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  • Five keys to success in Evaluation Capacity Building for widening participation

    Five keys to success in Evaluation Capacity Building for widening participation

    Evaluate, evaluate, evaluate is a mantra that those engaged in widening participation in recent years will be all too familiar with.

    Over the past decade and particularly in the latest round of Access and Participation Plans (APP), the importance of evaluation and evidencing best practice have risen up the agenda, becoming integral parts of the intervention strategies that institutions are committing to in order to address inequality.

    This new focus on evaluation raises fundamental questions about the sector’s capacity to sustainably deliver high-quality, rigorous and appropriate evaluations, particularly given its other regulatory and assessment demands (e.g. REF, TEF, KEF etc.).

    For many, the more exacting standards of evidence have triggered a scramble to deliver evaluation projects, often facilitated by external organisations, consultancies and experts, often at considerable expense, to deliver what the Office for Students’ (OfS) guidance has defined as Type 2 or 3 evidence (capable of correlative or causal inference).

    The need to demonstrate impact is one we can all agree is worthy, given the importance of addressing the deep rooted and pervasive inequalities baked into the UK HE sector. It is therefore crucial that the resources available are deployed wisely and equitably.

    In the rush for higher standards, it is easy to be lured in by “success” and forget the steps necessary to embed evaluation in institutions, ensuring a plurality of voices can contribute to the conversation, leading to a wider shift in culture and practice.

    We risk, in only listening to those well placed to deliver large-scale evaluation projects and communicate the findings loudest, of overlooking a huge amount of impactful and important work.

    Feeling a part of it

    There is no quick fix. The answer lies in the sustained work of embedding evaluative practice and culture within institutions, and across teams and individuals – a culture that imbues values of learning, growth and reflection over and above accountability and league tables.

    Evaluation Capacity Building (ECB) offers a model or approach to help address these ongoing challenges. It has a rich associated literature, which for brevity’s sake we will not delve into here.

    In essence, it describes the process of improving the ability of organisations to do and use evaluation, through supporting individuals, teams and decision makers to prioritise evaluation in planning and strategy and invest time and resources into improving knowledge and competency in this area.

    The following “keys to success” are the product of what we learned while applying this approach across widening participation and student success initiatives at Lancaster University.

    Identify why

    We could not have garnered the interest of those we worked with without having a clear idea of the reasons we were taking the approach we did. Critically, this has to work both ways: “why should you bother evaluating?” and “why are we trying to build evaluation capacity?”

    Unhelpfully, evaluation has a bad reputation.

    It is very often seen by those tasked to undertake it as an imposition, driven by external agendas and accountability mandates – not helped by the jargon laden and technical nature of the discipline.

    If you don’t take the time to identify and communicate your motivations for taking this approach, you risk falling at the first hurdle. People will be hesitant to invest their time in attending your training, understanding the challenging concepts and investing their limited resources into evaluation, unless they have a good reason to do so.

    “Because I told you so” does not amount to a very convincing reason either. When identifying “why”, it is best you do so collaboratively and consider the specific needs, values and aspirations of those you are working with. To those ends, you might want to consider developing a Theory of Change for your own ECB initiative.

    Consider the context

    When developing resources or a series of interventions to support ECB at your institution, you should at all times consider the specific context in which you find yourself. There are many models, methods and resources available in the evaluation space, including those provided by organisations such as TASO, the UK Evaluation Society (UKES) or the Global Evaluation Initiative (BetterEvaluation.org), not to mention the vast literature on evaluation methods and methodologies. The possibilities are both endless and potentially overwhelming.

    To help navigate this abundance, you should use the institutional context in which you are intending to deliver ECB as your guide. For whom are you developing the resources? What are their needs? What is appropriate? What is feasible? How much time, money and expertise does this require? Who is the audience for the evaluation? Why are they choosing to evaluate their work at this time and in this way?

    In answering these and other similar questions, the “why” you identified above, will be particularly helpful. Ensuring the resources and training you provide are suitable and accessible is not easy, so don’t be perturbed if you get it wrong. The key is to be reflective and seek feedback from those you are working with.

    Surround yourself with researchers, educationalists and practitioners

    Doing and using evaluation are highly prized skills that require specific knowledge and expertise. The same applies to developing training and educational resources to support effective learning and development outcomes.

    Evaluation is difficult enough for specialists to get their heads around. Imagine how it must feel for those for whom this is not an area of expertise, nor even a primary area of responsibility. Too often the training and support available assumes high levels of knowledge and does not take the time to explain its terms.

    How do we expect someone to understand the difference between correlative and causal evidence of impact, if we haven’t explained what we mean by evaluation, evidence or impact, not to mention correlation or causation? How do we expect people to implement an experimental evaluation design, if we haven’t explained what an evaluation design is, how you might implement it or how “experimental” differs from other kinds of design and when it is or isn’t appropriate?

    So, surround yourself with researchers, educators and practitioners who have a deep understanding of their respective domains and can help you to develop accessible and appropriate resources.

    Create outlets for evaluation insight

    Publishing findings can be daunting, time-consuming and risky. For this reason, it’s a good idea to create more localised outlets for the evaluation insights being generated by the ECB work you’ve been doing. This will allow the opportunity to hone presentations, interrogate findings and refine language in a more forgiving and collaborative space.

    At Lancaster University, we launched our Social Mobility Symposium in September 2023 with this purpose in mind. It provided a space for colleagues from across the University engaged in widening participation initiatives and with interests in wider issues of social mobility and inequality to come together and share the findings they generated through evaluation and research.

    As the title suggests, the event was not purely about evaluation, which helped to engage diverse audiences with the insights arising from our capacity building work. “Evaluation by stealth,” or couching evaluative insights in discussions of subjects that have wider appeal, can be an effective way of communicating your findings. It also encourages those who have conducted the evaluations to present their results in an accessible and applied manner.

    Establish leadership buy in

    Finally, if you are planning to explore ECB as an approach to embedding and nurturing evaluation at an institutional level (i.e. beyond the level of individual interventions), then it is critical to have the buy in of senior managers, leaders and decision makers.

    Part of the why for the teams you are working with will no doubt include some approximation of the following: that your efforts will be recognised, the insights generated will inform decision making, the analyses you do will make a difference, and will be shared widely to support learning and sharing of best practice.

    As someone who is supporting capacity building endeavours you might not be able to guarantee these objectives. It is important therefore to focus equal attention on building the evaluation capacity and literacy of those who can.

    This can be challenging and difficult to control for. It depends on, among other things: the established culture and personnel in leadership positions, their receptiveness to new ideas, the flexibility and courage they have to explore new ways of doing things, and the capacity of the institution to utilise the insights generated through more diverse evaluative practices. The rewards are potentially significant, both in supporting the institution to continuously improve and meet its ongoing regulatory requirements.

    There is great potential in the field of evaluation to empower and elevate voices that are sometimes overlooked, but there is an equal and opposite risk of disempowerment and exclusion. Reductive models of evaluation, preferencing certain methods over others, risk impoverishing our understanding of the world around us and the impact we are having. It is crucial to have at our disposal a repertoire of approaches that are appropriate to the situation at hand and that fosters learning as well as value assessment.

    Done well, ECB provides a means of enriching the narrative in widening participation, as well as many other areas, though it requires a coherent institutional and sectoral approach to be truly successful.

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  • Higher education postcard: Al-Azhar University

    Higher education postcard: Al-Azhar University

    Greetings from Cairo!

    In 970 work started on the Al-Azhar Mosque in Cairo, which had been founded on the orders of al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah, the fourth Fatimid Caliph. Work on the buildings was completed two years later. In 988 Ya’qub ibn Killis, the first vizier of the Fatimids, designated the mosque as a centre of learning, and the following year 35 scholars were hired. This marked the beginnings of the mosque as a place of learning. The curriculum included law and jurisprudence, grammar, astronomy, philosophy and logic; ibn Killis himself taught; and both men and women could study there.

    It was also, it seems, a place of learning with an agenda. The Fatimids, argue Roy Lowe and Yoshihito Yasuhara in their 2016 work “The Origins of Higher Learning”, funded Al-Azhar in order to create a framework to underpin Shia Islam.

    In 1171, the Ayyubid caliph Salah ad-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub, who you might know better as Saladin, overthrew the last of the Fatimids, after many years of strife. One of the actions he took was to assert Sunni Islam, rather than Shia; and with this the fortunes of Al-Azhar took a downward turn. There was, it seems, the destruction of books on a vast scale. Some say 120,000 books from the library, some say 2,000,000. Now, by the 1050s the library was said to hold 200,000 books, which is a lot, but it does feel like the upper estimate for destruction one hundred years later has some poetic license about it. In any event, a lot of books were destroyed. Al-Azhar lost its breadth, becoming a centre for the study of Sunni Islam.

    And so it remained, for several centuries. It gained in prestige, becoming one of the four main centres for Sunni jurisprudence in the Islamic world. It regrew its library, which now holds over seven million items; it expended its premises. It continued to accept students for study; and continued too award qualifications. On which rests its claim to be the longest continually operating degree awarding body in Egypt.

    In 1961 – nearly 1000 years after its foundation – Al-Azhar was re-founded as a modern university. Its curriculum was secularised, to cover business, science, engineering, and medicine. And it has a broader remit, as a body responsible for schools across Egypt, with over 4,000 affiliated institutions, with 2,000,000 learners at those schools and institutes.

    Since 2011 the University’s Council of Senior Scholars – senior Islamic scholars, that is – has been re-established and plays a role in national affairs. This includes electing Egypt’s Grand Mufti, which role had previously been appointed by the country’s president. Roughly speaking, a mufti is an Islamic scholar who can issue a fatwa; the Grand Mufti in a country is head of that country’s muftis.

    One of the reasons I like finding out about universities in other countries is the exposure to different ideas of what a university is or does. Al-Azhar has antiquity, it teaches to a high level, it’s a university. And it has a broader remit too.

    And here, as is now becoming customary, is a jigsaw of the postcard. Hope you enjoy it!

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  • McMahon confirmation as education secretary advances to full Senate

    McMahon confirmation as education secretary advances to full Senate

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    Linda McMahon’s nomination for U.S. secretary of education advanced Thursday with the approval of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, which voted 12-11 along party lines.

    “We need a strong leader at the department who will get our education system back on track, and Ms. McMahon is the right person for the job,” said HELP Chair Bill Cassidy, R-La., before the vote.

    McMahon appeared before the committee Feb. 13 for a 2 ½ hour confirmation hearing where she spoke of her priorities for expanding school choice and skills-based learning, providing more decision-making power to local schools and parents, and protecting students from discrimination and harassment. 

    She also talked about her openness to making sweeping changes at the U.S. Department of Education, including moving programs like special education oversight and civil rights investigations to other federal agencies.

    We are failing our students, our Department of Education, and what we are doing today is not working, and we need to change it,” McMahon said at the time. McMahon formerly served as administrator of the Small Business Administration for two years in President Donald Trump’s first administration. She was previously president and CEO of World Wrestling Entertainment.

    Trump and the temporary Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, have already made major alterations to Education Department activities, including by attempting to freeze funding to states, canceling research contracts, halting diversity, equity and inclusion funds and programming, and calling for the end of “radical indoctrination” in K-12 schools.

    Trump has also said his goal is to close the Education Department — a move that would need congressional approval. 

    At Thursday’s HELP executive session, which lasted about 15 minutes, Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., said he was opposing McMahon’s nomination. “I find areas of agreement [with McMahon], but I can’t vote for somebody who will willfully engage in the destruction of the very agency she wants to lead. That is disqualifying,” Kaine said.

    Ranking member Bernie Sanders, D-Vt., also voted against McMahon’s nomination and criticized what he said was a move toward an authoritarian society where “all power is resting in the hands of a few in the White House.”

    “It doesn’t really matter who the Secretary will be, because he or she will not have the power,” Sanders said.

    Sen. Markwayne Mullin, R-Okla., before voting in favor of the nomination, said U.S. education has fallen in global rankings. “If we really say we’re for the kids, then let’s try something drastic,” Mullin said. “Let’s actually make a change, because we’re doing nothing but going backwards, and our test scores haven’t improved since 1979. They’ve just continued to fall.”

    A full Senate vote on McMahon’s confirmation is forthcoming.

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  • Shaping Future Healthcare Leaders: The Journey of Mielad Ziaee

    Shaping Future Healthcare Leaders: The Journey of Mielad Ziaee

    Mielad Ziaee

    Healthcare is constantly evolving, and the future of the industry depends on the next generation of skilled professionals who are prepared to lead with knowledge, innovation, and compassion. Organizations like HOSA-Future Health Professionals play a critical role in shaping these future healthcare leaders by providing students with the resources, experiences, and mentorship needed to thrive in various medical and health-related careers.

    HOSA is an international student organization dedicated to empowering young people who are passionate about healthcare. Through leadership development, competitive events, networking opportunities, and hands-on learning experiences, HOSA helps students build the essential skills they need to succeed in the medical field. Members engage in real-world healthcare scenarios, gain exposure to public health initiatives, and develop professional competencies that set them apart in their future careers.

    Mielad Ziaee

    Alumni and Former International Executive Council Member, HOSA-Future Health Professionals

    One such success story is Mielad Ziaee, a Marshall Scholar, Truman Scholar, public health advocate, and innovator. Ziaee’s parents immigrated from Iran to the United States to manifest a new life. Their resilience and perspective deeply influenced his understanding of community, determination, and health from an early age. Before hitting the labs of prestigious institutions, Ziaee joined HOSA as a high school freshman thanks to their support. He saw it as a promising steppingstone to engage in his healthcare aspirations.

    “I really wanted to hit the ground running with HOSA. It was so empowering to have [an organization] created for students interested in healthcare, where we could all sort of geek out together,” Ziaee recalled.

    Climbing the ranks

    His two advisors, Angela Vong and Zenia Ridley, provided mentorship and guidance to immerse Ziaee in all HOSA could offer. His leadership journey quickly unfolded — from member to area officer, to Texas state officer, and eventually, to serving on HOSA’s International Executive Council. His tenure coincided with the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. Finding creative ways to engage members across middle school, high school, and college in virtual settings connected the dots between leadership and innovation.

    “Being part of the ‘COVID generation’ was both challenging and inspiring,” Ziaee shared. “It taught me how to build community and how that community can enact change.”

    Ziaee’s experiences ignited a passion for research, where he found the intersection of policy, public health, technology, and community engagement. In particular, food insecurity has become a focal point of his academic work.

    “I’m a proud Houstonian. I go to the University of Houston, so one of the biggest challenges that my community faces is food insecurity,” Ziaee said. “I work with our Data Science Institute to try to understand both technological and community-based cultural approaches to food insecurity. A lot of the skills I learned in HOSA, like Zoom calls or identifying key problems and addressing them, are the same things I do in my research — just different vocabulary.”

    Gaining global experience

    Ziaee will continue his study of public health as a Marshall Scholar at the University of Edinburgh this fall. He beamed with excitement as he described studying at an institution that nurtured scientific legends such as Charles Darwin and Alexander Graham Bell and exploring Scotland’s unique healthcare system.

    “Edinburgh, specifically, is where they did the Dolly the Sheep experiment, which is super cool,” Ziaee said. “It’s very interesting as an American to see how they’re doing things [in Scotland], and to hopefully bring that back and promote policy innovation here in public health.”

    Reflecting on his journey, Ziaee underscores the importance of seizing opportunities and embracing HOSA as more than just an organization. As Ziaee embarks on this next chapter, his story exemplifies how HOSA-Future Health Professionals and strong family values can shape a life of innovation and impact. Following in his footsteps, his younger sister has now joined HOSA, continuing the family’s commitment to making a difference in healthcare.

    “The connections and experiences you gain will inspire and guide you for years to come. It’s one of the main constants in my life,” he said.

    Ziaee’s journey highlights that HOSA is more than just a steppingstone — it’s a foundation for lifelong growth, leadership, and meaningful connections. For students aspiring to make a difference in healthcare, organizations like HOSA offer an unparalleled opportunity to gain real-world experience, develop leadership skills, and join a network of like-minded individuals committed to improving health outcomes worldwide.

    To join this inspiring legacy, become part of the HOSA alumni network today at www.hosa.org/alumni.

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  • Higher Ed IT Outsourcing | Collegis Education

    Higher Ed IT Outsourcing | Collegis Education

    College administrators know that technology can be a powerful tool for improving operations and boosting student success. However, given the rapid pace of technological change and the shrinking pool of qualified IT professionals, getting a real return on IT investments can be a major challenge.

    One way to deal with these challenges is to outsource IT management and operations, and explore managed IT services for higher education.

    While change can seem daunting, IT outsourcing can significantly improve overall IT management and strategic focus while mitigating risk and reducing cost. It’s about more than just maintaining IT infrastructure and operations –– it’s about using technology strategically to create better student experiences and drive institutional success.

    Complexity: Streamlining the Transition

    One of the primary concerns I hear from administrators is the perceived complexity of moving to an outsourced IT model. Such a move impacts people, processes, and technology – so if not managed thoughtfully, unintended consequences could occur.

    However, a well-structured transition plan significantly simplifies the process and minimizes risk to business operations during the transition. At Collegis, we employ a phased approach, starting with a thorough assessment of an institution’s current IT ecosystem, including resources, processes, financials, systems, infrastructure, projects, operations, etc. This assessment forms the foundation of a customized transition plan designed around the institution’s unique needs, outlining each step – from stabilization and standardization to technology optimization and, finally, transformation.

    A key element of our approach is the stabilization phase, where we address immediate pain points and ensure that systems are secure and able to support day-to-day operations with no disruptions. This initial phase creates the foundation from which to build on and, ultimately, a level of confidence that sets the stage for longer-term improvements.

    By breaking the transition into manageable phases and providing clear communication throughout the process, we alleviate much of the anxiety associated with change. Instead of a big “lift and shift,” the multi-year transition plan means current systems and processes continue to be supported. Administrators often express relief once they understand our structured approach and how it addresses their specific needs.

    For example, our managed IT services solution for Saint Francis University involved stabilizing the core technology and infrastructure, standardizing expectations through strong IT governance (including installing a virtual CIO), and optimizing business processes and infrastructure for increased efficiency. This identified $200,000 in budgetary waste that was able to be reallocated toward technology upgrades.

    Cost: ROI Beyond the Bottom Line

    Cost is, of course, a major factor in any IT outsourcing decision. Administrators are understandably concerned about the financial implications of outsourcing.

    Studies show that many higher education institutions spend more than 75% of their IT budgets on basic support and technology maintenance. This is partially due to the technology debt that accrues after years of neglect and a lack of the precise skill sets needed to address deficiencies and create more efficient and effective operations. Just think of the impact technology could make if schools could reduce this amount by 25%+ and reallocate these dollars to improving student experiences or driving institutional cost savings.

    Outsourcing can free up these valuable financial resources, enabling institutions to focus on projects that drive growth and enhance the student experience. Collegis partners typically experience:

    • Predictable budgeting: We offer all standard IT management services through a clear and transparent fixed fee mutually determined for the life of the partnership so institutions know exactly what they spend for IT management every year. There are no surprises.
    • Access to top IT talent: While Collegis goes out of its way to assess existing staff and rebadge those who have the needed skill sets and cultural fit, we also bring a team of more than 185 IT professionals to our partnerships, ensuring schools have access to the right skillsets at the right time.
    • Better contract negotiations: Schools benefit from Collegis’s expertise in IT contract negotiations and cross-institutional expertise during all technology contract negotiations. We have long-term relationships with third-party vendors and can negotiate from a position of strength because we support dozens of similar institutions.
    • Lower cybersecurity costs: We handle network, application, and data security, reducing a school’s need for additional resources or security solutions. Our partnerships have also helped many schools successfully stabilize or even reduce their cybersecurity insurance premiums.
    • Elimination of consulting fees: Our model also eliminates the need for expensive consultants to fill staffing gaps or deliver strategic projects.

    Most schools find that an IT managed services partnership with Collegis either saves them money or is cost-neutral. Our economies of scale enable us to provide expert services at a lower cost than most institutions could achieve in-house. Plus, we provide clear service level agreements (SLAs) to ensure accountability.

    Beyond cost savings, outsourcing can also improve ROI by ensuring technology investments deliver their intended value. By leveraging the expertise of a dedicated IT partner, institutions can optimize their systems and ensure they are getting the most out of their technology investments.

    Control: Maintaining Oversight and Ensuring Security

    Some administrators worry about losing control when they outsource IT. They’re concerned about relinquishing oversight of critical systems and data. However, a well-designed outsourcing agreement includes clear governance structures and communication channels, ensuring they retain control.

    One way we’ve addressed this concern is by establishing a steering committee for IT governance that includes representatives from the institution’s leadership and fosters collaboration and shared decision-making.

    Data security is paramount, and we understand the sensitivity of institutional data. We are a SOC 2-compliant organization that undergoes regular external audits to ensure the security and integrity of the data we manage.

    Our dedicated information security officers (CISOs) work closely with each institution to implement best practices and address any security concerns. We also proactively monitor systems for potential threats, leveraging our experience working with multiple institutions to identify and mitigate risks before they escalate.

    Getting More Out of IT investments

    Outsourcing IT management in higher education can be a game-changer for institutions looking to navigate the complexities of the evolving IT landscape. Working with a partner that focuses on open communication, a phased approach to transitioning, a stronger cybersecurity posture, and leveraging your technology’s true potential can eliminate concerns about complexity, cost, and control while enabling schools to achieve strategic goals.

    Finally, when considering IT outsourcing, institutions cannot underestimate the importance and value of cultural fit. Finding a partner who shares your values and can be trusted to run a critical function for your institution is just as important as any of the other considerations I’ve highlighted above.

    — Kim Fahey, CEO Collegis Education

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  • Quran burner assassinated in Sweden — and another arrested in the UK

    Quran burner assassinated in Sweden — and another arrested in the UK

    Last year, FIRE launched the Free Speech Dispatch, a regular series covering new and continuing censorship trends and challenges around the world. Our goal is to help readers better understand the global context of free expression. Want to make sure you don’t miss an update? Sign up for our newsletter

    Blasphemers face arrest, the death penalty, and assassination

    (Jay Janner / Austin American-Statesman / USA TODAY NETWORK)
    • Iraqi refugee Salwan Momika, known for his well-publicized and controversial public Quran burnings, was assassinated on Jan. 29 in Sweden. Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson suggested “there is obviously a risk that there is also a link to foreign power” involved. Days later, a Swedish court fined and issued a suspended sentence to Salwan Najem, another Iraqi refugee who burned Qurans with Momika, who was convicted of incitement against an ethnic group. The similar charges against Momika were dropped in light of his killing.
    • Greater Manchester Police arrested a man “on suspicion of a racially aggravated public order offence” for publicly burning a Quran and livestreaming the act in the UK. An assistant chief constable said police “made a swift arrest at the time and recognise the right people have for freedom of expression, but when this crosses into intimidation to cause harm or distress we will always look to take action when it is reported to us.” The arrest took place just two days after Momika was assassinated in Sweden.
    • Labour Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner will establish a council to create a government definition of “Islamophobia.” Depending on the council’s definition, and how it will or will not be implemented by government agencies responding to Islamophobia, it could implicate UK citizens’ ability to speak freely about important religious matters. 
    • Six men were sentenced to death for blasphemy in Pakistani courts late last month. All had been accused of posting blasphemous content on the internet.
    • Delhi police are investigating Washington Post columnist Rana Ayyub for social media posts sharing “anti-India sentiment” and insulting Hindu deities.
    • Iranian rapper Amir Hossein Maghsoudloo, known by Tataloo, was reportedly sentenced to death for blasphemy. He had previously been extradited from Turkey and sentenced to five years in prison before his case was reopened.

    Comedy and art crackdown in India

    Crowd of people carrying Hindu God Ganesha for immersion in water bodies during a festival

    Crowd of people carrying the Hindu God Ganesha for immersion in bodies of water during a festival in Amravati, Maharashtra, India, on Sept. 27, 2018 (Dipak Shelare / Shutterstock.com)

    In late January, a Delhi court gave the green light for police to seize two paintings by famous artist MF Husain from the Delhi Art Gallery. A complaint against the paintings, which “depicted Hindu gods Ganesha and Hanuman alongside nude female figures,” alleged they “hurt religious sentiments.” (Around the same time, local police in Texas also seized paintings. Fort Worth police entered the Modern Art Museum of Fort Worth and took four decades-old photos from artist Sally Mann’s Diaries of Home installation showing her children nude. FIRE, the National Coalition Against Censorship, and the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas demanded an end to the censorship this week.)

    FIRE demands Fort Worth police return artwork confiscated from museum

    Press Release

    Government agents storming into a museum and taking down art isn’t the sort of thing that’s supposed to happen in America. But that’s exactly what happened in Fort Worth, Texas.


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    An even bigger media censorship controversy has bloomed since. In a recent episode of the YouTube show India’s Got Latent, comedian Ranveer Allahbadia joked, “Would you watch your parents have sex every day, or join in once and stop it forever?” To put it mildly, this did not go over well.

    In the days following the controversy, numerous censorship threats emerged. Mumbai police have summoned panelists on the show, and they may be facing numerous charges related to obscenity and insult. MP Naresh Mhaske called for greater regulation of online speech, and the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Information Technology is reportedly “considering recommending that the laws around digital content be made stricter.” YouTube has acted, too, taking down the video after receiving a notice from the Information and Broadcasting Ministry.

    This joke may not be everyone’s cup of tea, but it’s a good example of how efforts to crack down on one incident of unpopular speech can balloon into a much greater censorship threat.

    New laws governing speech from Israel to Pakistan to Australia

    National flags of Pakistan and Israel

    • Late last month, Israel’s Knesset passed a law criminalizing denial of the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel “with the intention of defending the terrorist organization Hamas and its partners, expressing sympathy for them, or identifying with them.” Offenders will be sentenced to five years in prison. The bill is modeled after legislation criminalizing Holocaust denial.
    • Pakistan’s new law governing online disinformation will punish intentional dissemination of material speakers have “reason to believe to be false or fake and likely to cause or create a sense of fear, panic or disorder or unrest.” Journalists protested the law, which will punish offenders with up to three years in prison.
    • Australia introduced mandatory minimum sentencing for some violent hate offenses, but also for the use of hate symbols or displays, like a Nazi salute. The Law Council of Australia objected to the changes, noting that “a person guilty of public display of prohibited symbols at a political protest would be subject to a mandatory minimum sentence of 12 months imprisonment.”
    • Germany’s ban on “symbols of anti-constitutional organizations” is not new, but it certainly caught global attention last month. Police announced they were investigating protest groups’ projection onto a Tesla Gigafactory of the word “Heil” and an image of Elon Musk’s repeated gesture at President Trump’s inauguration rally, which police suggest violates the country’s ban on the Nazi salute.

    Sorry, DeepSeek can’t talk about that

    Smartphone displaying the Deepseek logo with the Chinese flag in the background

    A smartphone displaying the Deepseek logo with the Chinese flag in the background (Rokas Tenys / Shutterstock.com)

    AI company DeepSeek joins the list of Chinese tools and apps gaining a greater global footprint — but its users have discovered there are many things DeepSeek won’t say. As we’ve covered in previous Dispatch entries, tech developed by or with Chinese companies tends to come with some serious speech restrictions, and DeepSeek is no different. When asked some common sensitive questions about Chinese politics and history, DeepSeek offers this result: “Sorry, that’s beyond my current scope. Let’s talk about something else.” Sometimes users can even see the program produce an answer before deleting it. It will, however, answer similarly sensitive questions about other countries’ histories.

    A busy few weeks of charges and sentencings

    • A Thai man already serving a record 50 years in prison on lese-majeste charges received yet another long sentence for insulting the monarchy in social media posts, bringing him to at least 59 years. Meanwhile, another activist received a two-year term on similar charges as well as Computer Crime Act violations for live-streaming from a protest.
    • Malaysia is targeting its royal critics, too. A 42-year-old man must pay a fine or serve a six-month sentence after being found guilty of posting “offensive and insulting” Instagram content about the monarchy.

    From the UK to Germany to Singapore: Police are watching what you post

    Blog

    Police detained a pro-Palestinian activist in London under the UK’s Terrorism Act for, as the arresting officer put it, “making a hate speech.”


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    • A Shanghai court sentenced documentary filmmaker Chen Pinlin to three and a half years for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” a charge commonly used against critics of the Chinese government. Chen had released a documentary about the country’s 2022 “White Paper” protests.
    • Police in India are investigating claims filed against politician Rahul Gandhi for “acts jeopardising India’s sovereignty, unity and integrity.” Gandhi accused the country’s BJP party of capturing all state institutions and said he was fighting against “the Indian state itself.”
    • Moroccan activist Said Ait Mahdi was fined and sentenced to three months in prison on charges including defamation for leading protests criticizing the government’s response to a deadly 2023 earthquake.
    • Turkish authorities are in the midst of yet another crackdown on civil society, with dozens of journalists, lawyers, and politicians investigated, arrested, or brought in for questioning by authorities in recent weeks.  
    • Kazakh authorities arrested blogger and satirist Temirlan Ensebek for “inciting interethnic discord” in an old online post — but won’t say which one.
    • The band Placebo’s Brian Molko has been charged with defamation for “contempt of the institutions” in Italy after calling Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni a “piece of shit, fascist, racist” during a 2023 music festival.

    Non-Crime Hate Incidents…in the U.S.? 

    Yellow Tape Showing Text "Police Line Do Not Cross" with police flashers in background

    The Free Beacon released a report late last month about “Bias Response Hotlines” popping up in cities and states across the United States — and these hotlines share some similarities with the UK’s controversial treatment of “non-crime hate incidents” (NCHIs). 

    In Maryland, for example, the attorney general’s office states on its website that “people who engage in bias incidents may eventually escalate into criminal behavior,” so “Maryland law enforcement agencies are required by law to record and report data on both hate crimes and bias incidents.” And in Philadelphia, authorities handling “hate incidents” can ask for identifying details, including exact addresses and names of the alleged offenders, and officials will in some cases “contact those accused of bias and request that they attend sensitivity training.”

    Readers of the Dispatch may recognize some overlap with the UK’s problematic NCHI system, where police create records of NCHIs based on complaints from members of the public accusing individuals, who are often not informed, of legal but hateful acts. The NCHI system is extensive, and it caught global attention late last year when Telegraph columnist Allison Pearson reported being visited by Essex Police for a year-old X post. Multiple police departments handled the case, and at least one flagged it as an NCHI. 

    For more about this and other recent debates about free speech in Europe, see my piece  from earlier this week on a 60 Minutes story detailing Germany’s speech policing and Vice President JD Vance’s speech at the Munich Security Conference.

    Women’s rights activist facing long jail term released in Saudi Arabia

    A still image of Salma al-Shehab from an interview she gave in 2014 at the Riyadh International Book Fair

    A still image of Salma al-Shehab from an interview she gave in 2014 at the Riyadh International Book Fair. (YouTube.com / Abdul Rahman Al-Saad)

    Let’s finish off with some good news. Salma al-Shehab, a 36-year-old mother of two and doctoral student at Leeds University, has been released from prison after more than four years, of which almost nine months were spent in solitary confinement. Al-Shehab’s ordeal reached a nadir in 2022 when an appeals court sentenced her to a shocking 34 years in prison for posting in support of women’s rights on social media. She used the internet to “cause public unrest and destabilise civil and national security,” among other alleged crimes. 

    There are still some reasons to be concerned, however. Al-Shehab may still be restricted by a travel ban, and many unjustly imprisoned activists remain behind bars in Saudi Arabia.

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  • Senate panel approves McMahon for education secretary

    Senate panel approves McMahon for education secretary

    Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

    Linda McMahon’s bid to become the next education secretary moved forward Thursday after a Senate committee voted 12–11 along party lines to advance her nomination.

    At the preceding committee hearing on Feb. 13, Republicans of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee largely praised McMahon, saying they couldn’t think of a better person to lead the nation’s education system.

    They used their questions to ensure the nominee recognized that only Congress has the statutory power to carry out Trump’s plan to abolish the Education Department—to which she said, “Well, certainly President Trump understands that we will be working with Congress.” In addition to shutting down or reducing the size of the department, McMahon made clear at the hearing that she supports combating campus antisemitism, prohibiting trans women from participating in sports and eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion programs.

    Since the hearing, the Education Department released a sweeping Dear Colleague letter that directs colleges to end any race-based policies or programming in K-12 schools and colleges by Feb. 28. The letter, which targeted “every facet of academia,” has received significant pushback from the public but likely won’t affect McMahon’s confirmation.

    The committee’s vote advances McMahon’s confirmation to the Senate. The full Senate will now vote on McMahon’s nomination, likely in the next two weeks.

    Once formally recognized as secretary, McMahon will be an important arrow in Trump’s quiver, as she’s seen as dedicated to carrying out the president’s agenda, from abolishing the agency to stripping certain institutions of access to federal student aid when they do not align with his ideals.

    This story will be updated.

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  • FIRE Statement on City of Clarksdale v. Delta Press Publishing Company (Clarksdale Press Register)

    FIRE Statement on City of Clarksdale v. Delta Press Publishing Company (Clarksdale Press Register)

    Below is a statement from FIRE attorney Adam Steinbaugh on the restraining order against the Clarksdale Press Register:

    The city of Clarksdale, Mississippi, thinks it knows better than the Founders. Clarksdale asked a court to order a local newspaper to remove an editorial asking why the city was not being more transparent about a proposed tax increase. As a result of the city’s lawsuit, a court ordered the Clarksdale Press Register to delete the online editorial. 

    That’s unconstitutional. In the United States, the government can’t determine what opinions may be shared in the public square. A free society does not permit governments to sue newspapers for publishing editorials. 

    The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE), a nonprofit organization dedicated to protecting First Amendment rights, is exploring all options to aid The Press Register in defending these core expressive rights.

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  • Students on the Frontlines: The Ongoing Protests in Serbia with Jim Dickinson

    Students on the Frontlines: The Ongoing Protests in Serbia with Jim Dickinson

    If I say the word “Serbia”, chances are your mind goes to things like the NATO air attacks of 1999 and the associated Kosovo War, to the breakup of Yugoslavia and to Marshal Tito and maybe – if you’re more historically-minded – to the origins of World War I.  It probably doesn’t go to higher education or radical student politics.

    But that’s kind of unfortunate because in fact Serbia’s recent history has had plenty of instances where youth- or student-based movements have had an effect on politics, most notably with respect to the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic in 2000.  And that’s very relevant today, because for the last 18 weeks, Serbia students have been on a campaign to rid the country of the governing Serbian Progressive Party on grounds of corruption.  They have formed some extraordinary alliances across civil society leading to regular marches involving tens of thousands of people as well as a series of rotating strikes.  The movement has not yet reached its ultimate objective, but it has claimed some notable victories along the way, most notably when the Prime Minister, Milos Vucevic, was forced to resign in January. 

    With me today to analyze all of this is Jim Dickinson.  He’s an associate editor at Wonkhe in London, one of the most remarkable Higher education sites in existence, and to my mind absolutely the best-informed person on the European student politics scene.  Jim wrote an excellent summary of the situation in Serbia around the time of the Vucevic resignation, and we thought it was high time to finally bring Jim on the show. 

    Jim talks about the origins of the protests, its growth and metastasis into a genuinely popular national protest movement and its prospects for future success.  Will Serbia end up being like Bangladesh, with students actually forcing regie change?  The future is never certain, of course.  But what I liked about Jim’s perspective is the way he takes account of the interplay between official student “unions” and an unofficial student “movement” and explains why you need to take account of both to understand the current situation in Serbia.

    But enough from me.  Let’s turn it over to Jim.


    The World of Higher Education Podcast
    Episode 3.21 | Students on the Frontlines: The Ongoing Protests in Serbia with Jim Dickinson 

    Transcript

    Alex Usher: Jim, before we get to current day events, tell me—what are student politics normally like in Serbia? Are student unions more about service delivery or activism? Is there just one national student union, or are there multiple ones? Are they organized on a party-political basis? Tell me how it all works in a normal year.

    Jim Dickinson: You know, we were there about 14 or 15 months ago, and we were quite impressed. We took a group of UK student unions on a little bus tour, as I do each year to different parts of Europe, and it was quite impressive. Student representation is guaranteed at both the faculty and university levels. Broadly speaking, what is also guaranteed is a student union, which has responsibility for extracurricular activities, as well as for student voice and representing students.

    These unions then feed into something called the Student Conference of the Universities of Serbia. What’s interesting—and a few countries in Europe have done this—is that they’ve put the national student union on a statutory footing. So, it’s actually mentioned in legislation. Essentially, they took the National Conference of Rectors, the university association, added an “S” at the front, and set it up as a statutory body that listens to students’ views on higher education.

    So, in theory, the legislation establishes representation at the faculty, university, and countrywide levels. Students have the opportunity to elect other students, organize student activities, and be the voice of students—which are broadly the two activities you would expect when you hear the phrase “student union.” Maybe not in the U.S., but certainly in most other parts of the world.

    Alex Usher: Is there party political involvement in student unions there?

    Jim Dickinson: I mean, this is really interesting. Some people would say there is. But one of the things that’s kind of, I guess, moderately characteristic of the former Yugoslavian and Eastern European countries is that there’s not much open talk of politics.

    Sometimes students will align with particular political views, but this isn’t like what we might see in Austria, Germany, or even Finland, where large factional or party political groups of students stand for election to student councils. In Serbia, student unions are framed as being independent from formal politics—pure, in a sense, and separate from direct political involvement.

    Now, of course, what actually happens—depending on who you listen to and believe—is that youth branches of political parties do stand in these elections. And depending on the perspective, the government—certainly the current government—is accused of pumping in money and candidates to ensure a level of control in these bodies, much like what might happen in other parts of civil society in the country.

    But officially, you don’t see that. In fact, in some of these countries, student unions will even sign documents declaring their complete independence from party politics as a way of signaling, “We’re not about that; we’re about the students.”

    Alex Usher: Tell me about the history of student unions getting involved in national politics. I know there’s a history going back to the 1960s in Bulgaria of student involvement in politics.

    After the fall of the Berlin Wall, there were two major instances in Serbia. In 1996–97, students led protests against what were seen as rigged elections in favor of Slobodan Milosevic. Then in 2000, there was a youth-led—but not student union-led—movement called Otpor, which was the central organizing group that ultimately helped remove Milosevic after the 2000 elections.

    Now, obviously, there’s a big mobilization happening today. What’s the connection between those events in the late 90s and early 2000s and what we’re seeing now?

    Jim Dickinson: So, ahead of putting student unions—both locally and nationally—on a statutory footing, there were always student groups and associations, often based around faculties or entire universities. Because these groups were relatively loose and voluntary, their level of political interest and influence would fluctuate.

    They often got caught up in the kind of events you described—first in the late 80s and then throughout the 90s. And that’s actually quite common. When student groups are loosely organized and not statutory, with many different associations and organizations floating around, they tend to get swept up in big political movements when those arise.

    Now, while you’re right that Otpor was technically a youth movement, in practice, it was largely dominated by students. That group of people was widely credited with the overthrow of Milosevic. We’ve actually visited some of the student accommodations where they were organizing, and you can really see how that must have worked—how students would have been talking to each other, coordinating, and mobilizing.

    Beyond that point, things get a bit more complicated.

    Alex Usher: So, Otpor was student-led, but not student union-led. That’s the distinction here?

    Jim Dickinson: Yeah.

    Alex Usher: Let’s get to current events. It’s November 1st, 2024. We’re at the railway station in Novi Sad, which is Serbia’s second-largest city. What happens next?

    Jim Dickinson: So, a canopy collapses, killing 15 people. By the time they’d completed their assessment about 24 hours later, the death toll had risen to 15. Pretty quickly, rumors started going around that this must be linked to corruption.

    There’s been a series of complex, controversial deals linked to some Chinese companies involving infrastructure projects across different parts of the country. So the view was that this was negligence, this was corruption, and that this was another example—right on their doorstep in this big student city—of the Serbian government’s corruption causing harm and death.

    Social media videos of the canopy collapsing on young people were pretty heartbreaking, and they went viral very quickly.

    What was interesting at that point was that this student group based in the Faculty of Philosophy, which had already been upset about the formal student union elections in their faculty and at the University of Novi Sad, then switched their attention from occupying the faculty building over student union election politics.

    They turned their focus to this incident, and quite quickly organized a blockade of the railway station, a blockade of the faculty, and then things kind of swept on from there.

    Alex Usher: I get that—it’s understandable why the collapse of a public building might make people upset about corruption. But why is it youth leading this charge? I mean, it’s not unnatural, but it’s also not a given that students would be the ones leading this.

    Why them and not some other group in society? Or even opposition parties? Why a small group of disaffected philosophy students?

    Jim Dickinson: Well, I mean, in many ways, that is the big question. I’m sure if the Serbian Progressive Party knew the answer, Alex, they’d have stopped it by now.

    I think the reality is that all of those involved in formal mechanisms of politics—to some extent—are discredited. And that’s something you see across many political systems, right? There’s a general distrust of politicians and of formal politics, both on the right and the left, in North America and across Europe.

    What’s interesting about this group of students is that, in many ways, you’ll find a similar type of group at almost every relatively elite, fairly academic, large university in the world. You’ve got the students who get elected to official positions, wear suits, and sit down with the rector, vice-chancellor, or president. And then there’s this other, rougher-looking group—the ones who like to think about bigger political issues. They’re the ones who will blockade a building, go on a protest, or join a demonstration.

    This particular group has probably always been there, usually complaining about student union elections. Then, suddenly, this huge tragedy happens in the city, and they find their big issue—something they can build their movement around.

    Often, they talk about building a social movement, but it’s hard to do when the issues they focus on don’t gain traction. This, however, was not a hard issue to mobilize around. It was a tragedy, it was clear-cut, and off the back of that, they took action.

    Alex Usher: That’s early November. The protests build and build, and by early December, they’ve secured the resignation of the minister of construction.

    So, at this point, what were the student movement’s aims? I get that they were upset about corruption, but what were they actually demanding in these demonstrations? And, given how informal the structure was, who was deciding what those demands were?

    Jim Dickinson: It’s really interesting because the demands haven’t really changed since then. Some were directly related to the tragedy, some were broader, and some were focused on higher education.

    Actually, if you look at some of the pro-Palestinian blockades and demonstrations in different countries over the past couple of years, they’ve also had a mix of demands like this.

    In this case, there were demands to publish all the documents related to the reconstruction of the station. There were calls to ensure that no criminal proceedings would be brought against protest participants. There was also a demand for the dismissal of all public officials who had assaulted students and professors—of which there were quite a few.

    Then there were demands related to higher education, like increasing the budget for higher education by 20%. And what’s fascinating is that this list of demands hasn’t really changed.

    Now, to answer your question about leadership—one of the defining characteristics of this kind of activism, which some people see as very old-fashioned, is that it’s highly decentralized. Decisions are made collectively, with lots of people sitting in circles discussing them. There’s no single figurehead. They’ve really tried to stick to those principles, even though, historically, that kind of approach sometimes falls apart depending on which allegorical novel you read.

    Despite the media’s efforts to identify particular ringleaders or intellectual figures behind the movement, it’s been difficult to pin down a single “bad guy” or figurehead. This stands in stark contrast to the formal student movement, which operates like a traditional hierarchy—a structured system where representatives elect other representatives, and so on.

    Alex Usher: So, it’s a little like the Occupy movement?

    Jim Dickinson: Yeah, very, very similar.

    Alex Usher: Over the course of December and January, the movement builds to the point where, eventually, the prime minister resigns on January 28th. That wasn’t even one of the demands, but it happened anyway. To make that happen, they had to build a coalition—not just within the student movement, which is one thing, but also by making links across civil society, with other groups like legal organizations, unions, teachers’ unions, and so on. How did a group of students manage that, especially given how decentralized their power structure was?

    Jim Dickinson: Part of it was about peaceful protest. If you look at historical examples like the Prague protests or the Velvet Revolution, they were always very deliberately peaceful, even though allegations are often thrown at them.

    So, good framing was key—absolutely sticking to those principles. And then, night after night, day after day, at each protest, they slowly built support from wider society. As time went on, they captured the imagination of more and more people. First, musicians got involved, then lawyers, then farmers, then taxi drivers.

    Each time a new group joined or more people expressed sympathy, the movement grew. And there’s historical precedent for this—going back to the late 80s and early 90s—where what started as a student movement began to voice deeper concerns about corruption, about the direction of the government, about how citizens are treated, and about the growing disconnect between the public and politicians. And they used powerful, simple, visually striking imagery. You might have seen the red hands in some of the protest photos—symbolizing “blood on their hands.” That really resonated with people.

    Because these countries have been through this kind of thing before—where students lead the charge and wider society gets behind them—there was this sense that both the students and the broader public felt the weight of history on their shoulders. And from there, it just kept growing.

    I was watching over Christmas—one night, there were 10,000 people in the streets, then 12,000 the next night, then 15,000. It just kept building. And every time the government tried to use traditional authoritarian tactics, the protesters held their nerve. They maintained their dignity, and in doing so, they were able to expose the government as authoritarian—cracking down on people who were making perfectly reasonable demands.

    Alex Usher: So that’s what’s happening in the streets. But what about the campuses? Are they shut down? Is there a strike? Is there a risk of losing the school year? And how are university administrations dealing with all of this?

    Jim Dickinson: That’s a really interesting question.

    Quite often—and this is probably true in the UK, certainly true in Canada and the U.S.—when there’s a blockade of a building, an occupation, or a major protest, you still get a form of teaching happening. There are efforts to ensure that education continues, though it might not be the same curriculum the university originally intended, and it often takes on a particular political edge.

    So, what they’ve been doing is blockading faculty buildings and university buildings, stopping some administrative functions from happening. But some teaching is still taking place.

    Now, whether that translates into exams happening or students receiving certificates at the end of the year varies widely. It depends on the campus, the faculty, and the university.

    A lot of that comes down to the level of support for the movement. So, it depends on what you mean by a “write-off.” There’s plenty of evidence that students are still getting an education, but if you’re the kind of student who isn’t interested in any of this and just wants your diploma at the end of the year, then it’s probably a disaster.

    Alex Usher: Just so listeners and viewers know, we’re recording this on February 11th—nine days before the air date. This is the 101st day of the protests. What do you think the endgame is here? What would it take at this point for students to achieve the aims you talked about earlier? Or are they going to have to settle for half a loaf?

    Jim Dickinson: Well, I mean, it’s really interesting.

    Just this week—or maybe it was right at the end of last week, I’ve lost track—they got the 20% budget increase, for example. Nobody expected that to happen two weeks ago. So, slowly, they’re managing to achieve pretty much everything except the dismissal of all the public officials they’ve been demanding.

    The problem, of course, is that even if they achieve all of those demands, they still won’t have reached their broader political goal—which is that they believe this is a deeply corrupt government. And while they don’t frame it in party political terms, they think this populist government needs to go. So, the endgame starts to get tricky for them.

    They’ve already achieved far more than most people expected. And historically, there’s precedent for this. There were plenty of student uprisings in Eastern Europe in the 1960s that captured the public’s imagination but ultimately didn’t lead to political change.

    So, once most of the demands are met and we get closer to the end of the academic year, will the movement start to fizzle out? Who knows?

    But for many of the people involved, they’re probably already thinking, “We’ve accomplished a hell of a lot more than we ever thought we would.” And certainly a lot more than the official student movement was ever going to achieve on these issues.

    Alex Usher: That brings me to my last question. This has been a success for the student movement—if you can call it that—but not necessarily a success for student unions. So, what do you think the impact will be on more official student organizations going forward? Are unions likely to be supplanted by something a little more anarchist? Or do they just go back to providing the same services they always have?

    Jim Dickinson: I mean, look—across the world, the bigger, more sophisticated, and more formally recognized student unions are, and the more access they have to decision-makers, the more mistrust tends to build.

    Both the textbooks and reality tell us that when student leaders start spending too much time with people who aren’t students, people begin to see them as too close to decision-makers. And that dynamic exists in every student movement around the world.

    The real question for a system like Serbia’s—which has student unions written into the constitution and structured to mirror the conference of rectors, university presidents, and vice-chancellors—is whether, in hindsight, that structure is simply too close to power.

    And that comes down to one of two concerns.

    If the official student movement hasn’t actually been controlled by the government but just appears too close to it, then there’s some broader reflection needed on the system’s credibility. But if it has been deliberately set up as a way for a corrupt national government to control it—to act as a puppet master—then that carries much bigger implications.

    Either way, you have to assume that where student energy is focused will shift. And that’s key because there’s only so much student energy available.

    Right now, the biggest problem for formal student unions is that student energy hasn’t gone into electing people to run the social committee or to be the faculty vice president and have a chat with the dean about curriculum.

    This year, the bulk of student energy has gone into something bigger—and they’ve won. That’s something a lot of people, both within the sector and seemingly within the country as a whole, will have to reckon with.

    Alex Usher: Jim, it’s been a pleasure. Thanks so much for joining us today. And I just want to take a moment to thank our excellent producers, Sam Pufek and Tiffany MacLennan, as well as you—our viewers, listeners, and readers—for joining us. If you have any questions about today’s episode, don’t hesitate to reach out at [email protected]. Never miss an episode of The World of Higher Education podcast—subscribe to our YouTube channel today. Next week, we’re off, but join us two weeks from today when our guest will be Israeli scholar Maya Wind. She’s a postdoctoral fellow at the University of California, Riverside, and the author of Towers of Ivory and Steel: How Israeli Universities Deny Palestinian Freedom. Bye for now.

    *This podcast transcript was generated using an AI transcription service with limited editing. Please forgive any errors made through this service.

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