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  • The True Costs of Trump’s Ed. Dept. Cuts – The 74

    The True Costs of Trump’s Ed. Dept. Cuts – The 74

    School (in)Security is our biweekly briefing on the latest school safety news, vetted by Mark KeierleberSubscribe here.

    When the Trump administration decimated the Education Department’s civil rights office last year, thousands of students waiting for relief from alleged racial and sexual discrimination in schools were left to languish. 

    It turns out the move to sideline half of the Office for Civil Rights staff cost taxpayers tens of millions of dollars, according to a new report by the nonpartisan Government Accountability Office. Nearly a year later, the Education Department still can’t say whether it saved a dime. 

    GAO estimates the decision to place civil rights staffers on paid administrative leave, while simultaneously shuttering most of its regional offices, cost upwards of $38 million for the salaries and benefits of staffers who were kept home. 

    “Other costs,” the government watchdog noted, “are unknown.” 

    Without a full accounting of costs and savings, the watchdog concluded, the department can’t credibly claim the shakeup improved efficiency, saved money or better served students — the very reasons used to justify the cuts in the first place. 

    Click here to read the full Government Accountability Office report.


    In the news

    Meghan Gallagher/The 74/Getty Images

    The latest in Trump’s immigration crackdown: Minnesota school districts and the state’s teachers union filed a lawsuit demanding reinstatement of a longstanding policy against immigration enforcement activities near schools and other “sensitive locations.” | The 74

    • A Minnesota 11-year-old and her mother will be reunited with their family after being held for nearly a month in a Texas detention center after getting picked up by immigration agents on their way to school. | KSTP
    • The horrifying truth behind the immigration arrest of 5-year-old Liam Ramos: It wasn’t an accident. | Slate
      • The Columbia Heights school district where Liam is enrolled closed for a day this week after officials received a “racially and politically motivated” bomb threat. | CBS News
    • ‘None of this is OK’: Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz demanded in a letter that the federal government disclose how many of the state’s children have been detained as part of the immigration enforcement surge — and pleaded for agents to stay away from schools and bus stops. | MPR News
    • Cities could be compelled to cooperate with federal immigration officials in order to access federal funds for investigations into internet crimes against children, a lawsuit alleges. | KPBS
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    Big Tech in the spotlight: As TikTok and Snap settle lawsuits centered on the damaging effects of social media on children, Meta and YouTube are gearing up for closely watched trials. The tech companies face allegations the apps were designed to keep kids hooked despite known harms to their well-being. | Los Angeles Times

    • Amazon reported hundreds of thousands of photos of child sexual abuse in its artificial intelligence training data — but the company’s refusal to say where it came from could hinder police efforts to track down perpetrators. | Bloomberg 
    • As Democrat- and Republican-led states pass rules designed to protect children from the potential harms of AI chatbots like ChatGPT, an executive order by President Donald Trump gives the attorney general authority to sue states with consumer protection laws that stand in the way of the country’s “global AI dominance.” | Futurism
    • The head of the Federal Trade Commission came out as a strong proponent of contentious online age-verification rules, arguing “it offers a way to unleash American innovation without compromising the health and well-being of America’s most important resource: its children.” | The Record

    A North Carolina woman faces criminal charges after she allegedly kicked a pregnant school resource officer in the stomach while refusing to leave her child’s elementary school. | WECT

    ‘It’s evil’: The National Institutes of Health failed to protect genetic data of more than 20,000 U.S. children from misuse by a fringe group of researchers who used the records to claim intellectual superiority of white people over other races. | The New York Times

    Two Florida teenagers accused of plotting to kill a classmate will be charged as adults with attempted premeditated murder. | WESH


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    Emotional Support

    The 74’s Eamonn Fitzmaurice and his son Ellis visited the Brooklyn Cat Cafe to offer a few treats and scratches. “I’m a dog person,” Eamonn tells me, “but the cats were cute.”


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  • WEEKEND READING: Fiscal drag or fiscal sense? Freezing student loan repayment thresholds

    WEEKEND READING: Fiscal drag or fiscal sense? Freezing student loan repayment thresholds

    This blog was kindly authored by Jack Booth, Maike Halterbeck, and Gavan Conlon at London Economics.

    There has been wide-ranging coverage of the recently announced freeze to the Plan 2 student loan repayment threshold in England (The Times, Guardian, Financial Times and many more), as graduates and the media begin to understand that the majority of Plan 2 graduates are unlikely to ever pay off their loan balance within the 30-year repayment period.

    While the policy was announced by the UK Government in the November 2025 budget, the Welsh Government has just announced that it will not follow suit. This is a big decision from the Welsh First Minister.

    So, what has potentially driven the Welsh First Minister’s decision?

    The Welsh Government’s recent call for evidence on tertiary education in January stated that it was:

     in discussions with HMT and the Department of Education regarding the implications of the Plan 2 threshold freeze decision for Wales.

    The decision to freeze the threshold (or not) is even more important in Wales than in England as – unlike England which moved to Plan 5 from 2023-24 onwards – Wales has remained on Plan 2 repayment terms, so all current students are still on Plan 2 once they graduate.

    In this blog, we assess the impact of the potential threshold freeze on the 2025-26 cohort of Welsh domiciled students. On the surface, the freeze might seem like a relatively minor change, but it in fact would have significant impacts. This may explain the Welsh Government’s decision to opt for the status quo.

    How does the Plan 2 repayment system work?

    Graduates are on the Plan 2 repayment plan if they are English domiciled and started their course between 2012-13 and 2022-23 (after which English students moved onto Plan 5) or are Welsh domiciled and started their course since 2012-13. Graduates on this plan currently repay 9% of their income above £28,470, with the threshold traditionally increasing each year in line with RPI inflation (so the threshold will increase to £29,385 in April 2026). The interest applied to the loan balance starts at RPI (currently 3.2%) and increases to RPI + 3% (currently 6.2%) for higher earners.

    In its November 2025 budget, the UK Government announced a three-year freeze of the threshold (at £29,385) from April 2027 to March 2030. Without this freeze, we would expect the threshold to rise to approximately £32,545 by April 2029 (based on OBR forecasts). While the threshold freeze might seem like a small and ‘temporary’ change to the loan repayment terms, it would in fact result in a lower repayment threshold in every year of the 30-year repayment period for the 2025-26 student cohort. Therefore, it has a substantial impact.

    What would have been the impact of adopting the freeze in Wales?

    The figure below presents the estimated impact of the threshold freeze on graduates’ total lifetime loan repayments (by income decile and gender).

    Figure 1: Total lifetime loan repayments by Welsh domiciled students who complete full-time first degrees in Wales (net present value, 2025-26 prices), by lifetime earnings decile and gender

    Overall, if the Plan 2 freeze had been implemented in Wales, graduates’ average lifetime repayments would have increased by £3,300 for men (from £65,600 to £68,900) and by £5,100 for women (from £39,000 to £44,100).

    However – as so often when it comes to the complex system of student loan repayment – the freeze would have had important distributional effects. Essentially, only lower- to middle-income graduates (1st to 4th decile for men, and 2nd to 8th decile for women) would be affected by the threshold freeze. This is because their earnings are insufficient for them to ever be expected to fully pay off their loan (i.e. they make repayments for the entire 30-year repayment period). With the freeze, lower- to middle-income graduates’ total repayments over the 30 years would have been higher (by between £7,000 and £8,000 over their lifetimes). In contrast, higher-income graduates would have been basically unaffected by the Plan 2 threshold freeze.

    What are the implications of Wales not following the English policy?

    The Welsh Government just confirmed that it will not follow the Westminster Government’s Plan 2 repayment threshold freeze. The key issue now is that, while the student loan outlay provided to Welsh domiciled students is funded by HMT, this is conditional on the cost of the Welsh student finance system being ‘broadly comparable’ to the English system.

    The specific problem here relates to student loan impairments (the RAB charge) – in other words, the amount of the student loan outlay that is expected to not be repaid. For HMT to fund student loans for Wales, this RAB cost needs to be ‘within a reasonable range’ of the corresponding RAB cost for English domiciled students (adjusted for the relevant Barnett formula comparability percentage), according to HMT’s Statement of Funding Policy.

    The Plan 2 threshold freeze in England is aimed deliberately at reducing the English RAB charge.

    Our modelling suggests that the decision of the Welsh Government not to implement the freeze increases the RAB charge by approximately 8 percentage points. The additional cost associated with this decision is in the region of £74 million per cohort (or about 23% of the total costs of funding undergraduate students). The Welsh Government may now need to cover this cost from elsewhere if the loan system is no longer assessed to be ‘within a reasonable range’ of the English system. The Welsh Government have (candidly) acknowledged this possibility in their recent call for evidence, stating that:

    these pressures will likely require the Welsh Government to review and amend its ongoing policy on student support outlay, and student loan repayments.

    As outlined here, adopting the threshold freeze would have been regressive: high-earning graduates would be basically unaffected, but lower-income and middle-income graduates would be made worse off. However, as always, with scarce public resources spread thinly, the costs of this decision may need to be borne elsewhere. 

    Want to know more?

    Our more detailed analysis, including further charts and additional impacts of the repayment freeze, can be found here on our website.

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  • Why This Teddy Bear Was Canceled – The 74

    Why This Teddy Bear Was Canceled – The 74


    According to a report, an AI-powered teddy bear, called Kumma, from FoloToys, delivered ‘potentially dangerous information” and “mature topics.’



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  • LAWSUIT: FIRE sues Federal Trade Commission over agency’s targeting of news rating service

    LAWSUIT: FIRE sues Federal Trade Commission over agency’s targeting of news rating service

    WASHINGTON, Feb. 6, 2026 — For almost a year, the Federal Trade Commission has unconstitutionally used its broad regulatory powers to attack NewsGuard, a private news organization, because it doesn’t like its news ratings.

    Now, the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression is filing a federal lawsuit on behalf of the company to protect NewsGuard’s First Amendment rights and remind the federal government it has no business using its power to censor journalism whose reporting it opposes.

    “NewsGuard’s rating service is quintessential journalistic activity protected by the First Amendment,” FIRE Chief Counsel Bob Corn-Revere said, “and the Supreme Court has unanimously affirmed that the government has no legitimate role in saying what counts as the right balance of private expression — to ‘un-bias’ what it thinks is biased.” 

    Since its founding in 2018 by veteran journalists L. Gordon Crovitz, former publisher of the Wall Street Journal, and Steven Brill, the founder of The American Lawyer and Court TV, NewsGuard has published ratings of the reliability of news websites based on fully disclosed journalistic criteria. These criteria include whether news sites verify their information, regularly correct errors, and disclose ownership and financing, among other transparency metrics. NewsGuard’s services are used by consumers and businesses alike, including advertisers, to weigh the credibility of news platforms where their ads may appear.

    Websites across the political spectrum earning low scores have objected to their ratings. In recent years, some conservative websites earning lower scores than their conservative competitors have sought government censorship of the ratings.

    FIRE’s lawsuit, filed in the US District Court for the District of Columbia, lays out three ways in which the federal government violated the company’s First Amendment rights:

    • FTC Chairman Andrew Ferguson and the agency engaged in unconstitutional retaliation against NewsGuard based on its perceived viewpoints.
    • The government violated the First and Fourth Amendments by an unjustified and overly burdensome civil investigation into the company’s operations.
    • The FTC unconstitutionally targeted NewsGuard for its First Amendment activity, including by conditioning a merger last fall between advertising companies Omnicom and IPG on a prohibition against the new conglomerate using news rating services when determining where to buy ads — drafted and amended to ensure the ban would prohibit access to NewsGuard’s ratings.

    FIRE is seeking an injunction to stop the FTC’s excessive investigation into NewsGuard’s practices and to stop the government from enforcing the merger condition.

    “Disagreement over news coverage is precisely the kind of expression the First Amendment protects,” Corn-Revere said. “If the government, regardless of the party in charge, can use its levers of power to punish an organization over its coverage, there’s no reason it can’t do the same to pursue other news organizations that it disfavors.”

    NewsGuard’s statement on today’s filing is available here.


    The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to defending and sustaining the individual rights of all Americans to free speech and free thought — the most essential qualities of liberty. FIRE educates Americans about the importance of these inalienable rights, promotes a culture of respect for these rights, and provides the means to preserve them. 

    CONTACT:
    Karl de Vries, Director of Media Relations, FIRE: 215-717-3473; [email protected]

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  • Policy shifts mark “turning point” for Dutch higher education

    Policy shifts mark “turning point” for Dutch higher education

    The policy announcements came on January 30 and have been welcomed with cautious optimism by the sector after previous administrations moved to restrict international student flows and cut funding for education and science.  

    UNL, the leading association of Dutch research universities, said the coalition’s plans were “promising”, hailing its recognition of the importance of investing in education and maintaining the Netherlands’ international outlook.  

    “We hope this will be a turning point,” UNL spokesperson Ruben Puylaert told The PIE, though he said the damage caused by the previous government’s budget cuts “cannot simply be undone within a year”. 

    He emphasised the need for stable and predictable research funding, adding it was “crucial to stay the course and continue moving towards the 3% R&D target”.  

    The change of tack from the government will see €1.5bn invested in education and science, reversing cuts of roughly €1.2bn under Geert Wilders’ far-right party, which prompted widespread protests among students and faculty.  

    Wilders’ government also sought to restrict the number of international students in the Netherlands by reducing the number of English-taught programs and promoting Dutch as the language of instruction.  

    Alongside other restrictions, such measures saw international enrolments at Dutch universities fall for three consecutive years, with 2024/25 seeing a decline of 5%, according to Studyportals, as forecasters warned of a projected €5bn hit to the economy.  

    For Studyportals CEO Edwin van Rest, the change in direction acts as an important signal for other study destinations, “showing that populist and anti-immigration narratives (at least for high-skilled talent) can be overcome”.  

    He highlighted a global capacity imbalance with an excess of educational and job opportunities in the developed world, and young people being born in other areas, adding that international education was the most effective link to resolve this – “stronger than the ebbs and flows of politics”. 

    International education … is stronger than the ebbs and flows of politics

    Edwin van Rest, Studyportals

    Under the new coalition – led by the liberal D66 party alongside the centre-right Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) and the liberal People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) – a new talent strategy will be implemented to guarantee the continued attraction and retainment of international talent.  

    What’s more, the compulsory Foreign Language Education Test will be abolished and current foreign-language degree programs maintained, meaning psychology, economics and business courses must no longer be converted into Dutch. 

    While opposing previous governments’ heavy-handed restrictions, many Dutch universities implemented self-regulatory measures in recent years to maintain sustainable international student levels.  

    “Universities continue to take responsibility for balanced internationalisation, with a targeted intake approach and ongoing focus on language skills and student retention rate,” said UNL president Caspar van de Berg in a statement.  

    “In that light, we are glad that the need to change the language of instruction ceases to apply under this coalition agreement,” he added.  

    According to UNL, the investment in education and the reprioritisation of international students mark crucial steps for the Netherlands to remain an innovative knowledge economy and for its strategic autonomy. 

    “The Netherlands, like almost all developed economies, has a demographic problem and a lot of shortages in high-skilled talent,” said van Rest: “International students are great contributors to our society and soft power around the world, but also have a huge contribution to our competitiveness.”  

    As per Studyportals data, just under 50% of international graduates stay to work in the Netherlands, with the country offering the third most English-taught programs in Europe.  

    What’s more, the government’s change of tack comes at a time of shifting international student flows, with interest in European study up by 17.5% in the last five years, compared to demand for traditional destinations which has fallen by 25%, according to Studyportals.

    Amid visa restrictions and policy uncertainty across the ‘big four’ global destinations, 68% of global universities in a recent survey said government policies hurt international recruitment in 2025, up from 51% in 2024. In the US, that number jumped to 85%.  

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  • Consumer rights and complaints in English higher education: a new form of student agency?

    Consumer rights and complaints in English higher education: a new form of student agency?

    by Rille Raaper

    A year ago I wrote a blog post inviting the SRHE community to reflect on what it means to be political for today’s students. That piece was a thought experiment exploring political agency beyond traditional notions of student activism or protest. I now want to extend this thinking by considering whether student-as-consumer complaints can also be understood as a form of political agency.

    Consumerism has increasingly invaded new sectors of society, including higher education. In the UK, consumer rights and relationships are actively promoted through higher education policy, which frames students as consumers and universities as providers. The Office for Students, the main regulator in England, encourages students to understand their consumer rights with statements such as: ‘Knowing your consumer rights should help you to be protected if things go wrong on your course’. Although the phrase “things going wrong” remains ambiguous, universities must comply with consumer protection law by providing accurate, up-to-date information about their offerings and maintaining internal complaints and appeals processes for students who wish to raise concerns about their experience. These processes are broadly similar across institutions, typically moving from informal resolution to formal complaints, and, if unresolved, escalation to the Office of the Independent Adjudicator (OIA) – the body responsible for reviewing unsettled student complaints in England and Wales.

    While it may be a ‘chicken and egg’ question as to whether the rise in complaints or the introduction of formal procedures came first, what is clear is that student complaints have grown significantly. Although university-level complaint data is confidential, we know that the Office of the Independent Adjudicator (OIA) received 3,613 complaints in 2024 – an increase of over 130% compared to 2016. The financial implications are notable: £677,785 was awarded to students following a “Justified” decision, and an additional £1,809,805 was offered as part of settlements in 2024. It is reasonable to assume that university-managed complaints have experienced a similar surge.

    This peak in complaints and related institutional procedures raises an important question: should we view complaints not merely as an inconvenience or evidence of institutional shortcomings, but as a process that activates certain forms of agency within the student experience? Specifically, could this agency represent a new form of political agency in a context where students may be reluctant to engage in traditional activism for fear of jeopardising their academic success and financial investment?

    In my broader work, I adopt a wide lens on political agency, drawing on works from Michel Foucault, Sara Ahmed, and Jouni Häkli & Kirsi Pauliina Kallio. From this perspective, political agency encompasses ‘a variety of individual and collective, official and mundane, rational and affective, and human and non-human ways of acting, affecting and impacting politically’. Complaints, while largely individual, can be both rational and affective, making them a compelling example for expanding our understanding of political agency. When considering complaints as political agency, I propose we start by reflecting on the following:

    Institutional inequalities

    Most student complaints originate – at least from the perspective of those making them – in response to perceived institutional failure or wrongdoing. Complaints are therefore generally directed against some form of injustice. While students can raise concerns about a wide range of issues, the OIA statistics indicate that service-related complaints, eg poor teaching quality, undelivered services, or misleading marketing, account for roughly one third of all cases handled by the OIA.

    Courage

    Like any form of political action, making a complaint requires considerable courage and perseverance. Sara Ahmed’s work highlights how raising a complaint can make the complainant vulnerable, positioning them as the locus of an institutional problem. Similar ideas resonate with Foucault’s notion of parrhesia – truth-telling as a courageous act that is both risky and potentially transformative for the individual.

    Social spillovers

    Although a student complaint is typically an individual act, it carries an element of publicness. Complaints can create opportunities for students to engage with their broader social context and advocate for fairness in higher education. This ethical stance may ripple outward, influencing others and contributing to wider institutional change; for example, when a single complaint leads to policy or practice reforms.

    While we may debate whether student complaints are a ‘necessary evil’ in market-driven higher education, I invite readers to consider whether raising a complaint might also be a courageous and transformative experience for our students. If we allow ourselves to think this way, complaints could become an important lens for understanding how today’s students exercise their political agency.

    For more details, please see my book published as part of the SRHE and Routledge book series Research into Higher Education:

    Raaper, R (2024). Student Identity and Political Agency. Activism, Representation and Consumer Rights Oxon: Routledge

    Professor Rille Raaper is in the School of Education at Durham University. Rille’s research interests lie in the sociology of higher education with a particular focus on student identity, experience and political agency in a variety of higher education settings. Her research is primarily concerned with how universities organise their work in competitive higher education markets, and the implications market forces have on current and future students. The two particular strands of Rille’s research relate to: a) student identity and experience in consumerist higher education; b) student agency, citizenship and political activism. [email protected]

    Author: SRHE News Blog

    An international learned society, concerned with supporting research and researchers into Higher Education

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  • The thawing of our tallest peaks

    The thawing of our tallest peaks

    The night the flood came, the Himalayas were cloaked in thunder. Above Kashmir, the world’s tallest and youngest mountain range — with its glaciers, valleys and cloud-wrapped peaks — seemed to shudder under the weight of the storm.

    The sky was a single, unbroken roar. Rain hammered tin roofs until they buckled; mountainsides glowed faintly under flashes of lightning. In these lower folds of the Himalayas, villages like Trenz cling to slopes that funnel rain and meltwater into sudden torrents.

    In the village of Trenz in south Kashmir’s Shopian district, Ghulam Nabi, an apple farmer, woke to the sound of water clawing at his orchard.

    “We had barely seconds to run,” he said. “The water came rushing down the slope like a wall of mud and stones. It took everything, trees, cattle, even the footbridge.”

    For days afterward, Trenz lay cut off. The only road linking it to the highway had been buried under a landslide. Electricity poles hung like broken matchsticks. The nearest market, 15 kilometres (9 miles) away, was unreachable.

    Rainfall floods the mountain valleys.

    In the dark, families huddled around makeshift stoves, saving their phone batteries to catch a fleeting signal, a digital lifeline in a drowned world.

    Since the catastrophic 2014 deluge, Kashmir has endured a chain of punishing floods and cloudbursts. The 2024 monsoon brought flash floods to Shopian, Kulgam and Anantnag, damaging orchards and bridges.

    The following summer of 2025, heavy rainfall again swelled the Rambiara and Romshi streams, submerging farmland and washing away homes.

    Across the Himalayas, such scenes are no longer exceptional. From Kashmir to Himachal Pradesh, Nepal to Bhutan, mountain life is turning precarious as climate change unleashes more violent rain, faster snowmelt and sudden cloudbursts. Rare disasters now arrive in clusters, collapsing homes, blocking rivers and triggering blackouts that reveal the deep fragility of life in one of the world’s most sensitive mountain systems.

    Across the 2,400-kilometre (1,490-mile) arc of the Himalayas, the so-called “Third Pole” temperatures are rising nearly twice as fast as the global average.

    The warming of a mountain range

    Scientists call the Himalayas the “Third Pole” because they hold the largest store of ice outside the Arctic and Antarctic. Yet over the past half-century, the region has warmed nearly twice as fast as the global average. Average temperatures have risen by about 1.5°C, melting glaciers, destabilizing slopes and intensifying rainfall.

    “Each degree of warming here has outsized effects,” said a climate scientist based in Delhi, who asked that his name not be used. “Steeper gradients mean more runoff, more erosion and more flash flooding. What happens in hours here might take days elsewhere.”

    The rhythm of the mountains has shifted. Spring thaws come weeks earlier, monsoons arrive unpredictably and winters swing between drought and blizzard. In Kashmir, unseasonal rains have ruined apple harvests three years in a row, while in Himachal Pradesh, the 2023 floods swept away portions of infrastructure built along riverbanks and caused extensive and unprecedented damage.

    In October 2024, when torrential rains swept across the Himalayan valley of Kashmir, the Jhelum River swelled again, flooding low-lying neighbourhoods of Srinagar.

    At one point, mobile networks collapsed, cutting communications between districts.

    “You suddenly see how fragile life really is,” said Rafiqa Bano, a schoolteacher in Srinagar. “When things stop working, water pumps, phones, even the classroom projector everything comes to a halt.”

    From local losses to global consequences

    In remote hamlets, the effects ripple deeper. Roads blocked by landslides isolate families for weeks, forcing them to walk miles for basic supplies.

    For farmers like Nabi, the floods are devastating. “Our milk went sour, our vegetables rotted and the children got fevers from the damp,” says Nabi. “But what can we do? We live between the mountain and the river.”

    The stakes go far beyond these valleys. The Himalayas are Asia’s great water tower, feeding 10 of the continent’s greatest rivers — the Indus, Ganges, Brahmaputra and others, which together sustain nearly two billion people downstream. As glaciers retreat, the short-term risk is flooding; the long-term threat is water scarcity.

    “Imagine two billion people affected by what happens to these ice fields,” says the climate scientist. “The Himalayan crisis is not just local, it’s continental.”

    Inequality deepens the disaster.

    That interconnection was painfully clear when Nepal began exporting hydropower to Bangladesh through India, part of a new trilateral electricity trade highlighting how weather‑related disruptions to production and cross‑border grid ties can ripple through regional energy supplies.

    By early 2025, declining Himalayan snow cover and shifts in snowmelt timing were already altering river flows in the Indus basin, threatening the water supplies that irrigate farms and support livelihoods across India and Pakistan — a fraught dynamic for two nations already tense over shared water resources.

    While climate change fuels the storms, inequality magnifies their damage. Wealthier cities in the plains recover quickly, but mountain communities lack both infrastructure and political voice. Relief funds arrive slowly and rebuilding is often marred by corruption or poor planning.

    Each new highway, tunnel or hydropower project carves deeper into the flanks of the Himalayas, testing the limits of what these young mountains can bear.

    “We talk about resilience, but for many people here, resilience just means surviving until the next flood,” says Tariq Ahmad, an environmental activist in Srinagar. “People rebuild the same fragile houses because they have no other choice.”

    At the same time, the race for development of new highways, tunnels and hydropower projects is carving deeper scars into the fragile mountains. Steep road cuttings, heavy blasting and extensive construction disturb already unstable slopes and interrupt natural drainage, amplifying landslide risks in a region where climate change is already stressing ecosystems.

    Adaptation and hope on the edge

    Experts warn that without stricter planning, regulation and geological study, the very projects meant to connect the Himalayas to the world could exacerbate their collapse.

    Yet amid the wreckage, adaptation efforts are quietly taking root.

    In parts of the Himalayas, villagers and communities are adopting climate-smart practices, from restoring water systems and diversifying crops to experimenting with traditional, hardy varieties, while renewable energy projects like solar micro‑grids are bringing reliable electricity to remote settlements that once struggled with unreliable power

    Local nonprofits are training youth as “climate sentinels,” documenting changes in rainfall, snowfall and river flow with smartphone apps. Their data helps scientists build more accurate flood forecast models and gives early warnings that can save lives.

    Still, these efforts face a race against time. Scientific assessments warn that even if global climate goals are met, a significant portion of glaciers in the Hindu Kush and Himalaya could melt by the end of this century, undermining freshwater supplies, ecosystems and livelihoods, with far‑reaching consequences for the people and cultures that depend on them.

    A fragile future

    For millennia, the Himalayas have stood as a symbol of permanence. Now, even their grandeur feels fragile, their glaciers thinning, their slopes unraveling.

    For now, Nabi’s children sleep with their shoes beside the bed, ready to flee if the ground trembles or the water rises. The orchard that once fed his family for generations now bears fewer apples each year.

    “We live in beauty,” Nabi said. “But it has turned against us.”

    In the stillness after the flood, from 2014’s deluge to the cloudbursts and flash floods that swept through Shopian and south Kashmir in 2024 and 2025, the mountains loom serene, as if nothing happened.

    But the scars on land, on homes and on hearts tell a different story. They speak of a region caught between nature’s grandeur and its growing fury, between tradition and survival, between the past and a warming future.

    The Himalayas have always tested human endurance. But as the planet heats up, their challenge has changed. The question now is not how people will weather the next storm, but how long the mountains themselves can stand.

    For families like Nabi’s, the fear is not abstract. “When the rain falls now, it feels different,” he said. “It doesn’t stop. It doesn’t forgive.”


    Questions to consider:

    1. Why are the Himalayas known as Asias “great water tower?”

    2. What does it mean when we refer to the Third Pole?

    3. What can be done to slow the melting of mountain ice and snow?

     

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  • Malvern International joins forces with London Met in 15-year deal

    Malvern International joins forces with London Met in 15-year deal

    Under the deal, Malvern International will provide international student recruitment, education and support services, delivering a range of pathway and pre-master’s programs designed to prepare students for study at London Met.

    The new London Metropolitan University international study centre will offer academic preparation alongside English language development and study skills training, helping students transition successfully into UK higher education and London life.

    The international study centre will play an important role in preparing students for study in London, while reflecting our civic mission and values-led approach
    Gary Davies, London Metropolitan University

    Gary Davies, deputy vice-chancellor (student recruitment and business development) at London Metropolitan University, said the partnership aligns closely with the institution’s values and strategic priorities.

    “This long-term partnership with Malvern International reflects our shared commitment to widening access to high-quality higher education and supporting international students to succeed,” he said. “The international study centre will play an important role in preparing students for study in London, while reflecting our civic mission and values-led approach.”

    London remains the UK’s most popular destination for international students, and Malvern International said the partnership strengthens its existing portfolio of collaborations in key study destinations.

    Ashleigh Veres, senior vice president for university recruitment and partnerships at Malvern International, said the collaboration would open up new opportunities for students seeking a careers-focused education in a diverse global city.

    “We are thrilled that our partnership with London Metropolitan University allows students from around the world further opportunities to learn in a culturally rich, diverse and careers-focused university,” she said.

    “This collaboration strengthens our existing portfolio and enables a wide range of exciting progression degrees for students studying in the international study centre.”

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  • Mis-identifying “504-only” students

    Mis-identifying “504-only” students

    Key points:

    Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act, which prohibits discrimination against students and other individuals with disabilities, is far less visible than the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) in school districts.  Largely neglected in comparison to the IDEA, it poses growing problems and hidden costs on the general education side of the ledger.  In comparison to students with IEPs under the IDEA, students eligible under only the overlapping coverage of Section 504 are the responsibility of general education.

    The problems and costs start with mis-identification under Section 504’s definition of disability, which is broader than that under the IDEA.  Not limited to specified classifications, such as specific learning disability, or the need for special education, the requirements for Section 504 eligibility are (1) any physical or mental impairment that limits (2) a major life activity (3) substantially.  The students identified under Section 504 rather than the narrow eligibility definition of the IDEA are referred to as “504-only,” and they typically receive accommodations and services under a 504 plan as compared to an IEP.

    “504-only” rates

    The national rate of students with 504 plans has almost quadrupled in the past 15 years.  More specifically, in school year 2009–10, which was one year after Congress expanded the interpretive standards for determining eligibility under Section 504, the national percentage, according to data collected by the U.S. Department of Education, was 1.1 percent.  This percentage steadily increased, well beyond the effects of the Congressional amendments.  In 2021–22, which was the most recently released data from the Department, the national percentage was 3.9 percent.

    This growth is attributable in part to the increase in the identified incidence of not only ADHD, dyslexia, and anxiety but also various physical health issues, such as diabetes and food allergies.  However, another major reason is the loose identification practices for “504-only” students.

    Revealing not only resulting over- but also under-identification, for the most recent year of 2021–22, the rates varied at the state level from New Hampshire and Texas at almost double the national percentage to New Mexico and Mississippi at less than half that national rate.  California’s rate for that year was only 2.1 percent, but its variance was wide.  Its districts ranged from 0 percent to 13.9 percent, and schools ranged from 0 percent to 24.2 percent.  Districts and schools at the low end are particularly vulnerable to individual child find claim.  And one can only imagine what it’s like to be a general education teacher at a school for those at the high end in terms of paperwork, meetings, implementation, and resulting litigation.  Thus, both over- and under-identification warrant administrative attention.

    Mis-identification costs and consequences

    For over-identification, the hidden costs include not only providing related services, such as counseling and transportation, but also the time of teachers and administrators for meetings, forms, and potential complaint investigations, impartial hearings, and court proceedings.  Additionally, at a time of teacher shortage, high percentages of students with 504 plans contributes to current recruitment and attrition problems. Yet, unlike the IDEA, Section 504 provides no extra funding from either federal or state governments.  Thus, Section 504 implementation is part of the school district’s general education budget.  Moreover, along with under-identification, over-identification is a matter of social as well as legal justice, because it allocates limited school resources to students who do not really qualify and, thus, are false positives.  This hurts both the true positives (i.e., accurately identified) and the false negatives (i.e., should be identified).  The under-identified students pose a hidden cost of exposure to child find violations, which include attorneys’ fees and remedial orders.

    Quick tips for district consideration

    • Make sure that your administration annually collects and examines accurate information as to the percentage of students with 504 plans for the district as a whole and for the elementary, middle, and high school levels.  For percentages that are notably high or low in relation to extrapolated current national and state rates, extend the data collection and review to the identified impairments, major life activities, and the basis for the “substantial” connection between the impairment and major life activities
    • Under the leadership of a designated central administrator, make sure that each school has a carefully selected, officially designated, sufficiently trained, and solidly backed Section 504 coordinator  In general, the principal or an assistant principal is the presumptively correct choice; yet, principals too often delegate this key role to a relatively inexperienced school counselor or other staff member who lacks appropriate expertise and authority for proper 504-only identification.    
    • Make sure that the administration has uniform, effective, and legally defensible policies and practices that include:
      • Child find procedures parallel to those under the IDEA but keyed to the broader, three-part definition of disability under Section 504, which does not require educational impact or the need for special education.
      • Eligibility decision is by a team that meets the legal criteria of being reasonably knowledgeable about the child, evaluation data, and appropriate services/accommodations.
      • Regular training for the team, which includes legal updates on the identification procedures and criteria but also the longitudinal § 504-only rates for the district, school, and grade.
    • Invest general education resources on multi-tiered strategies and supports, differentiated instruction, and responsive accommodations for students that do not clearly qualify for either IEPs or 504 plans.  The more that districts meet student needs with such practices on a reliable and reasonable basis, the less that problems of over- and under-identification tend to arise.
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  • Great Grants Need Far Away Deadlines

    Great Grants Need Far Away Deadlines

    As many readers were, I was struck by the IHE story about roughly half of the recent Fund for the Improvement of Postsecondary Education (FIPSE) grants earmarked for Workforce Pell programs going to four-year colleges, despite community colleges’ longstanding history of workforce programs.

    I had been even more struck by the revelation a few weeks ago that none—zero—of the FIPSE grants around civil discourse went to a community college.

    Having been involved in putting together our own application, though, I can attest that one contributing factor may have been the incredibly tight timeline for applications. They often force less-than-optimal decisions.

    Applying for grants like these requires ensuring that you can align your promises and goals with the measurable outcomes the funder wants, within a short timeframe, without overtaxing your resources, within confines of federal and state law (“supplement, not supplant”) and collective bargaining agreements, and hiring highly qualified people who don’t mind that the clock is ticking on their jobs.

    In other words, they take time. That’s a lot of boxes to check. It’s easier when you have a bevy of full-time, well-practiced grant writers on staff, which most community colleges don’t.

    When grant timelines are unreasonably tight, colleges are left with two unappealing options: either slap something together quickly and hope for the best, or skip it. The former doesn’t really lend itself to shared governance, which requires time, and the latter isn’t helpful.

    In a more perfect world, of course, public colleges would be sufficiently well-funded, with sufficient autonomy, that they could be more thoughtful about which grants to pursue and which to skip. But when health insurance costs increase by double-digit percentages annually and public funding is flat at best, grants become crucial to enable projects that otherwise wouldn’t happen.

    Daniel Greene’s book The Promise of Access is particularly good on this. It came out a few years ago, and it focuses on public libraries, but the dynamics it captures translate easily. When leaders of an institution devoted to a sort of humanist striving are subjected to sustained austerity, they often resort to what he calls “bootstrapping.” That often involves finding grants and other external funders and trying to bridge their interests and ambitions with your institution’s mission. Over time, funders exert a sort of gravitational pull, simply because the organization doesn’t have the resources to function without them.

    Increasingly, grants with short deadlines come with “sustainability” requirements. In effect, these are guarantees by the recipient that they’ll keep doing what the grant enabled them to do even after the grant runs out. The theory behind sustainability requirements is understandable, but it’s hard to build long-term sustainability plans in thoughtful ways when you only have a few weeks. Sustainability requirements also assume a universe in which grants aren’t necessary, which I agree would be lovely, but often isn’t the case.

    Grants can be great. One way to make it easier for them to be great is to build in deadlines far enough in the future that applicants can actually plan. More thorough planning would increase the chances of finding good fits and avoiding awkward surprises. It seems like that should be easy enough, but somehow …

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