Category: Featured

  • Media on the run: A sign of things to come in Trump times? — First Amendment News 451

    Media on the run: A sign of things to come in Trump times? — First Amendment News 451

    “[There is a] deeply troubling notion that anyone who dares to report unfavorable facts about a presidential candidate is engaged in ‘sabotage’ (as opposed to, say, contributing to the free exchange of information and ideas that makes our democracy possible).” – David McCraw (New York Times lawyer)

    While some liberals are busy pissing in the free speech pot with their PC campus cancel culture campaigns, some conservatives do likewise with their compliant support of Trump’s anti-free speech crusade.

    Mind you, this is not any equivalence dodge but rather further proof of Nat Hentoff’s damnatory maxim, “free speech for me — but not for thee.” 

    I continue to be amazed by the fact that so many so-called free speech supporters in the conservative and even libertarian camps are cowardly silent when Trump and his sycophantic serfs (e.g., his Attorney General candidate) make it abundantly clear that they intend to wage censorial war on their political opponents.

    ABC’s $15 million+ settlement

    Before I say more about anti-free speech Trumpsters, let me say a few words about ABC’s $15 million settlement (replete with an apology and another $1 million for attorneys’ fees) in the Trump defamation case involving George Stephanopoulos. ABC News agreed to pay that amount toward Donald Trump’s presidential library.

    Warranted or not, ABC’s settlement has drawn criticism. For example:

    Alejandro Brito, lawyer for Donald Trump.
    • Joyce Vance: “I’m old enough to remember — and to have worked on — cases where newspapers vigorously defended themselves against defamation cases instead of folding before the defendant was even deposed. . . . That, by the way, includes defamation cases brought by candidates for the presidency.”
    • Stephen Rohde: “I think the reasoning behind Judge Altonaga’s denial of ABC’s Motion to Dismiss was flawed and ABC should have sought appellate review before paying Trump’s non-existent ‘Presidential Library’ $15 million and his lawyers another $1 million. I think on the witness stand Stephanopoulos would have impressed the jury that he genuinely believed the defamation verdict meant that Trump had raped Carroll. Even before it got to the jury, ABC would have had a good motion for a nonsuit under NYT v Sullivan that Trump failed to prove Stephanopoulos subjectively possessed ‘knowledge of falsity’ or acted in ‘reckless disregard of the truth.’ And ABC’s lawyers would have a field day cross-examining Trump on his entire sordid past in order to show that his reputation as a sexual abuser, liar, and convicted felon was hardly damaged by this one broadcast.”

    Five possible reasons for ABC’s settlement

    Though ABC was represented by Nathan Siegel and Elizabeth McNamara (Davis Wright Tremaine), it is well to remember that while settlement agreements can be those urged by counsel, they are ultimately decided by the client even if their counsel urges otherwise. In other words, in the Trump case, counsel and client may have agreed on settling or disagreed, and the client’s wishes prevailed. However that might be, the following reasons might explain why ABC opted to settle:

    1. Fear of what discovery might reveal: Here, the concern would have to do with the possibility of making public damning e-mails or other communications that showed an animus towards Trump and/or a certain recklessness in how ABC conducted itself.
    2. Desire to shield Stephanopolous from deposition and/or cross-examination at trial: The concern here may have been that Stephanopolous might be dangerously vulnerable during discovery or at trial when pressed by Trump’s lawyer (Alejandro Brito).
    3. Fear of a potential hostile Florida jury: Trying a case before a South Florida jury could be dangerous given the possibility of sympathy towards Trump and/or the possibility of Dominion-sized damages (unlikely though still possible). 
    4. Best time to settle: After U.S. Magistrate Judge Lisette M. Reid ordered Trump to be deposed, ABC might have figured that this was the best time to cut a deal with the plaintiff and cut its losses.
    5. Desire to placate Trump moving forward: Here, fear of retribution going forward might have also played a role in ABC’s decision to settle.

    Going forward: Media on the run

    While not compliant in duplicitous ways, some in the media world are nonetheless guarded in how to proceed in Trump times.

    For example, “The news media is heading into this next administration with its eyes open,” said Bruce Brown, executive director of the Reporters Committee for the Freedom of the Press. “Some challenges to the free press may be overt, some may be more subtle,” Brown said. “We’ll need to be prepared for rapid response as well as long campaigns to protect our rights — and to remember that our most important audiences are the courts and the public.”

    That said, consider the following:

    1. Libel Lawsuits on the rise: “During the presidential campaign, Trump sued CBS News [for $10 million] for the way it edited an interview with opponent Kamala Harris. At his news conference, Trump said he was expecting to file a lawsuit against the Des Moines Register in Iowa for publishing results of a poll shortly before the election that suddenly had him behind Harris. He said that amounted to ‘fraud and election interference.’”

    UPDATE: Graham Kates, “Trump sues Des Moines Register over poll, promises more lawsuits against news outlets after ABC News settlement,” CBS News (Dec. 17)

    1. Licensing Threats: “Over the past several weeks, lawyers for Mr. Trump and two of his most high-profile nominees — Pete Hegseth, the potential defense secretary, and Kash Patel, whom Mr. Trump has picked to run the F.B.I. — warned journalists and others of defamation lawsuits for what they had said or written.”

    See also: Jon Brodkin, “Trump FCC chair wants to revoke broadcast licenses—the 1st Amendment might stop him,” Ars Technica, (Dec. 17):

    “Look, the law is very clear,” Brendan Carr [Trump’s pick for the FCC] told CNBC on Dec. 6. “The Communications Act says you have to operate in the public interest. And if you don’t, yes, one of the consequences is potentially losing your license. And of course, that’s on the table. I mean, look, broadcast licenses are not sacred cows.” Carr has said his FCC will take a close look at a complaint regarding a CBS 60 Minutes interview with Kamala Harris before the election. Trump criticized the editing of the interview and said that “CBS should lose its license.”

    [ . . . ]

    The Carr FCC and Trump administration “can hassle the living daylights out of broadcasters or other media outlets in annoying ways,” said Andrew Jay Schwartzman, who is senior counselor for the Benton Institute for Broadband & Society.

    1. Seizing Journalists’ Records: “News organizations are worried that a Justice Department policy that has generally prohibited prosecutors from seizing the records of journalists in order to investigate leaks will be reversed, and are already urging journalists to protect their work. ‘If you have something you don’t want to share with a broader audience, don’t put it on the cloud,’ ProPublica’s [Jesse] Engelberg said.”
    2. Ending Support for Public Radio and TV: “Sen. John Kennedy of Louisiana recently introduced a bill that would end taxpayer funding for public radio and television, a longtime goal of many Republicans that may get momentum with the party back in power.”
    3. Testing the Boundaries of Current Defamation Law“‘There’s been a pattern and practice for the past couple of years of using defamation litigation as a tactic to harass or test the boundary of case law,’ said Ms. [Elizabeth] McNamara, who represented ABC News and Mr. Stephanopoulos but was speaking in general.”

    See also: Angel Eduardo, “Why New York Times v. Sullivan matters more than ever,” FIRE (March 7, 2023):

    There have been numerous bids for the Supreme Court to overrule the Sullivan decision, and Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch have both expressed a willingness to revisit it. Politicians from former President Donald Trump to Florida Governor Ron DeSantis have publicly attacked the Sullivan decision and its underlying arguments, and Florida state legislator Alex Andrade filed a bill in February 2023 designed to effectively overturn it.

    1. Currying favor with Trump: A recent New York Times headline says much: “In Display of Fealty, Tech Industry Curries Favor with Trump.” That seems to be the trend:

    The $1 million donations came gradually — and then all at once.

    MetaAmazonOpenAI’s Sam Altman. Each of these Silicon Valley companies or their leaders promised to support President-elect Donald J. Trump’s inaugural committee with seven-figure checks over the past week, often accompanied by a pilgrimage to Mar-a-Lago to bend the knee.

    The procession of tech leaders who traveled to hobnob with Mr. Trump face-to-face included Sundar Pichai, Google’s chief executive, and Sergey Brin, a Google founder, who together dined with Mr. Trump on Thursday. Tim Cook, Apple’s chief executive, shared a meal with Mr. Trump on Friday. And Jeff Bezos, the founder of Amazon, planned to meet with Mr. Trump in the next few days. 

    [ . . . ]

    With their donations, visits and comments, they joined a party that has already raged for a month, as a cohort of influential Silicon Valley billionaires, led by Elon Musk, began running parts of Mr. Trump’s transition after endorsing him in the campaign.

    See also: “List of Tech Companies That Donated to Trump’s Inaugural Fund,” Newsweek (Dec. 13)

    Related

    TikTok takes its case to Supreme Court

    A group of TikTok users filed a separate application on Monday afternoon, also asking the court to block enforcement of the law.

    Social media giant TikTok and its parent company, ByteDance, on Monday asked the justices to block a federal law that would require TikTok to shut down in the United States unless ByteDance can sell off the U.S. company by Jan. 19. Unless the justices intervene, the companies argued in a 41-page filing, the law will “shutter one of America’s most popular speech platforms the day before a presidential inauguration.”

    The request came three days after a federal appeals court in Washington turned down a request to put the law on hold to give TikTok time to seek review in the Supreme Court. A panel made up of judges appointed by Presidents Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Ronald Reagan explained that the companies were effectively seeking to delay “the date selected by Congress to put its chosen policies into effect” — particularly when Congress and the president had made the “deliberate choice” to “set a firm 270-day clock,” with the possibility of only one 90-day extension.

    Congress enacted the law, the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act, earlier this year, and President Joe Biden signed it on April 24. The law identifies China and three other countries as “foreign adversaries” of the United States and bans the use of apps controlled by those countries.

    TikTok, which has roughly 170 million users in the United States and more than a billion worldwide, ByteDance, and others filed challenges to the law in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.

    Related

    Oklahoma Settlement protects journalists’ right to cover education officials

    Oklahoma City, OK — After officials blocked reporters from attending state government proceedings, Oklahoma’s oldest television station has now secured a major victory for press freedom, reaching a settlement that ensures its reporters will have full access to state education meetings and officials. The win also includes a court-ordered permanent injunction that bars officials from ever repeating the behavior that led to the lawsuit.

    The agreement resolves the First Amendment lawsuit filed by the Institute for Free Speech and local counsel Robert “Bob” Nelon of Hall Estill on behalf of three reporters and their employer, the owner of Oklahoma City television station KFOR-TV, against Oklahoma Superintendent of Public Instruction Ryan Walters and Press Secretary Dan Isett. The settlement guarantees KFOR equal access to State Board of Education meetings, press conferences, and other media events.

    “This settlement vindicates the fundamental principle that government officials cannot declare themselves the arbiters of ‘truth,’ or pick and choose which news outlets cover their activities based on how favorable the reporting is,” said Institute for Free Speech Senior Attorney Charles “Chip” Miller. “The First Amendment protects the right of journalists to gather and report news, even — or especially — when the coverage scrutinizes government officials and holds them accountable to the public.”

    The agreement requires the Oklahoma State Department of Education to restore KFOR’s access to board meetings, press conferences, and media events. It also mandates KFOR’s inclusion in all press distribution lists and advance notifications of department activities. Additionally, the department agreed to re-establish a media line for journalists to attend board meetings.

    ‘So to Speak’ podcast: Whittington on academic freedom


    “Who controls what is taught in American universities — professors or politicians?”

    Yale Law professor Keith Whittington answers this timely question and more in his new book, “You Can’t Teach That! The Battle over University Classrooms.” He joins the podcast to discuss the history of academic freedom, the difference between intramural and extramural speech, and why there is a “weaponization” of intellectual diversity.

    Keith E. Whittington is the David Boies Professor of Law at Yale Law School. Whittington’s teaching and scholarship span American constitutional theory, American political and constitutional history, judicial politics, the presidency, and free speech and the law.

    Stephen Solomon on ‘Revolutionary Dissent’


    What persuaded our nation’s founders to reject the British laws that made it a crime to criticize government officials and, instead, guarantee freedom of speech and press? NYU Professor and First Amendment Watch editor Stephen Solomon told the story of the protests and controversy that led to the First Amendment in a recent talk at The Ferguson Library in Stamford, CT.

    More in the News

    2024-2025 SCOTUS term: Free expression and related cases

    Cases decided

    • Villarreal v. Alaniz (Petition granted. Judgment vacated and case remanded for further consideration in light of Gonzalez v. Trevino, 602 U. S. ___ (2024) (per curiam))
    • Murphy v. Schmitt (“The petition for a writ of certiorari is granted. The judgment is vacated, and the case is remanded to the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit for further consideration in light of Gonzalez v. Trevino, 602 U. S. ___ (2024) (per curiam).”)

    Review granted

    Pending petitions

    Petitions denied

    Last scheduled FAN

    FAN 450: “‘What Is Free Speech? The History of a Dangerous Idea’ — Major new book coming next year

    This article is part of First Amendment News, an editorially independent publication edited by Ronald K.L. Collins and hosted by FIRE as part of our mission to educate the public about First Amendment issues. The opinions expressed are those of the article’s author(s) and may not reflect the opinions of FIRE or Mr. Collins.

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  • Student Housing: A Question of Density

    Student Housing: A Question of Density

    (Or, why students get the halls they want but can’t afford rather than the ones they don’t and can.)

    David Tymms is a strategic advisor at QX Global. He previously held roles at London School of Economics as Director of Residential Services and at iQ Student Accommodation as Commercial Director.

    Student Numbers

    The number of full-time university students has grown rapidly in recent years according to the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA), rising by nearly a quarter in the last half decade to 2.36 million in 2022/23. Figures have risen most for students who are typically the main drivers of purpose-built student accommodation (PBSA) demand. ​Since 2014/15, the number of full-time international students has risen 81%. As a result, core demand – first-year UK undergraduates, international undergraduates and all postgraduates – now accounts for 61% of the UK’s full-time student population, adding additional pressure on the sector to deliver purpose-built housing.​

    Unmet core demand (‘000s)

    Source: JLL; HESA

    Changing wealth profiles

    In recent years, there has been a significant increase in participation rates from lower-income households as widening participation strategies begin to bear fruit and tuition fees continue to fall in real terms (the recent inflation uplift notwithstanding). ​Despite considerable noise about access to HE in the UK, data shows the two lowest quintiles of household wealth have seen the highest rates of growth in student numbers over the last five years, with the figure from the most deprived quintile rising an impressive 29% between 2018/19 and 2022/23. In that same period, the number from the least deprived quintile grew by just 2.4%. International patterns are also changing as growth from China slows and lower-income students from the Indian sub-continent and elsewhere come to the fore.

    Full-time domestic students by household wealth, England

    chart visualization

    Source: JLL; HESA

    The Decline in Applications

    Nevertheless, new hurdles seem set to slow several years of unabated growth, particularly for international students. Visa restrictions introduced in January 2023 bar most from bringing their families to the UK while Nigeria, recently the third largest international student cohort in the UK, faces a currency crisis that may continue to impact applications in years to come.​ Sponsored study visa applications from January to October 2024 (350,700) were 16% lower than for the same period in 2023. With the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) also reporting a small fall in undergraduate applications, the various data sets point to a tough period ahead for UK HE.

    New Build PBSA Viability

    PBSA, in common with other real estate sectors, has been heavily squeezed by rising construction, raw material, financing and regulatory costs, including the new Building Safety Act. Today, delivery in all but the highest value markets (min. £200pw+) remains, at best, challenging and in most cases unviable, thereby excluding many university towns and cities.

    University of Bath PBSA Study

    So what does this changing student demography and tightening development viability mean for PBSA, where falling levels of new scheme openings have resulted in a record core demand level of 61%?

    Jones Lang Lasalle (JLL) worked with a group of business students at the University of Bath to better understand the PBSA priorities of those studying in the UK. ​

    How would the following affect your decision in choosing student halls?

    chart visualization

    Source: JLL; University of Bath

    The research demonstrates that students still prioritise a single occupancy room with en suite bathroom. Twin rooms scored very poorly and only one third of students actively favoured catered accommodation. The results also confirm that students prefer ‘cluster flat’ accommodation types over studios and smaller apartments (4-6 sharers) over large. However, only 29% are prepared to pay more than £200pw.

    University Partnerships – The Opportunities and Challenges

    So how does the sector square the circle of delivering more viable – and thus affordable – room types given the clear evidence of students’ perceived priorities? ​Twins, non en suites, larger cluster flats and catered accommodation all provide potentially many more beds per land parcel. The Bath survey and other research, including by Student Crowd, is clear that these remain unpopular with students so we should be unsurprised developers and operators of ‘direct let beds’ generally build to these perceived priorities.

    Historically, one approach to increase PBSA density, and thus viability, has been university partnerships. This route sees occupancy either partially or completely de-risked for the accommodation provider. However, developing university partnerships can be challenging given the financial constraints in HE, the balance sheet treatment of such agreements and currently volatile student numbers. The Office for Students (OfS) recently forecast that 72% of institutions could have a deficit in 2025/26. Nevertheless, recent examples such as Unite Group’s deal with University of Newcastle and Urbanest’s with UCL, amongst others, show these challenges can be overcome, although examples are rarer for post-92 institutions. As Martin Blakey concluded in his recent HEPI Blog – Student Accommodation after 2024 and the Need for Strategic Realignment – ‘growth in student numbers no longer necessarily equates with the need for additional PBSA student bed spaces as has been the case over the last 20 years: future needs are changing and future accommodation provision cannot, for a whole variety of reasons, be more of the same’.

    Conclusions​

    The ‘direct let’ operators of PBSA, who dominate the UK market, face a challenging period ahead as they wrestle with development viability in all but a handful of markets and where their standing assets in some locations are becoming overpriced.  If the PBSA sector does not evolve, it risks forcing the fast-growing, lower income, domestic student population into different rental sectors (or to commute) and potentially damaging access to UK universities from emerging middle-income countries.

    This blog could not have been produced without the kind assistance of Marcus Dixon and Karl Tomusk at JLL.

    To download the full report please click here.

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  • Embracing the Silence – Faculty Focus

    Embracing the Silence – Faculty Focus

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  • The Migration Advisory Committee thinks about skills and long term net migration

    The Migration Advisory Committee thinks about skills and long term net migration

    The Migration Advisory Committee’s annual report for 2023 ended up being one of the publications with most policy influence on the subsequent year.

    Though it was released the week after then Home Secretary James Cleverly announced a review of the Graduate route, it clearly reflected ongoing Whitehall discussions and concerns over the post-study work visa, and much of its conclusions ended up being quoted incessantly through the subsequent debate around the MAC review – especially by those in favour of the route’s abolition or restriction:

    The graduate route may not be attracting the global talent anticipated, with many students likely entering low-wage roles.

    Our concern that the graduate visa would incentivise demand for short Master’s degrees based on the temporary right to work in the UK, rather than primarily on the value of qualification, may well be borne out in the trends that we have observed.

    As we have already shown, the rise in student numbers is almost entirely focused on taught Master’s degrees, and the growth has been fastest in less selective and lower cost universities. The rise in the share of dependants is also consistent with this.

    Given all that, it’s probably a relief to all concerned that the 2024 edition of the MAC annual report doesn’t go in depth on any international student-related issue, reflecting what feels like a (welcome) period of stasis in visa policy affecting higher education under the new government.

    Nevertheless, the MAC has a beefed up role under Labour – additional civil servant resource, plus we now learn that chair Brian Bell’s role will move from two to five days a week – and this time around the questions percolating away are worthy of some long-term thinking, even if they are not going to lead to knee-jerk policy decisions.

    Staying or going

    The annual review kicks off with consideration of long-term net migration trends, noting that the general election saw all main parties commit to bringing headline figures down.

    Thinking ahead, it notes:

    In the long run, work routes will have a greater impact on net migration compared to study routes as a greater percentage of those on the work route stay in the UK, whilst students are more likely to emigrate when they finish their course. Put simply, whilst students increase net migration in the year they arrive, they will reduce it by the same amount if and when they leave.

    This is a helpful soundbite for the sector, after last month’s ONS figures started to make clear what has been evident for a while – that historic claims around the “vast majority” of international students leaving the UK after completing their courses no longer hold much water. The ONS net migration stats estimated that the proportion of those on student visas who had transitioned to another visa three years after arriving was 48 per cent for those who arrived in year ending June 2021. This was up from nine per cent for those who arrived in June 2019, largely driven by introduction of the Graduate route.

    But the detail is still uncertain, as the MAC goes on to acknowledge. It cites recent Migration Observatory modelling (director Madeleine Sumption is now the MAC deputy chair) which estimates that the “stay rate” after eight years is around 26 per cent for those on study visas, compared to 56 per cent for those on work visas. The consequence of this is that – again, according to the Migration Observatory’s heavily caveated modelling – is that student visas contribute to 19 per cent of long-term net migration.

    (The modelling also lets you adjust the assumptions around stay rate and annual international student numbers – the baseline is rather simplistically 250,000 new student visas every year from 2024 to 2032, though to be fair recent volatility means that putting a firm prediction on international recruitment is a brave bet in itself.)

    All in all the MAC notes that stay rates are “highly uncertain” – but it’s an issue that will continue to inform the wider political debate, especially as the post-pandemic bulge is gradually smoothed out of net numbers. It’s notable in this context that think tank Labour Together – which typically has the ear of the government – has just put out a proposal for a “national migration plan” based on nationally set targets for different routes. Student visas, it says, would only be included in the analysis “to the extent that they have an impact on long-run net migration” through the Graduate and Skilled Worker visa routes.

    The skills puzzle

    The central piece of this year’s review is driven by the observation that the new government’s intention is “to more closely link migration and skills policy.” Given that starting point, the MAC carefully explores to what extent this can work. It’s of course written in the careful language you would expect of a government-sponsored committee with a Home Office secretariat, but reading between the lines there’s a cautionary note to it all (and not just in the observation that “skills” is an “ambiguous term both conceptually and empirically” – don’t tell Jacqui Smith).

    “In theory”, MAC observes, skills shortages lead employers to recruit using the immigration system. “If this were true,” the government can bring down work-related immigration via the reduction of skills shortages.

    In practice, there are some complications. Most obviously, skills investments take a long time to translate to the labour market – the last government repeatedly took the quicker route of facilitating international recruitment, especially in the health and care sectors, but also in not insignificant ways in areas like filling teacher vacancies.

    The MAC also stresses how employers will not deliberately make choices around whether to hire UK-based workers or those from overseas (speaking to The Times, Brian Bell specifically points to academic recruitment as an area where employers – universities – would not change their hiring practices if the domestic labour force had better qualifications). We are also told that labour demand and supply are not independent (“employers look for what they think they can get, and employees try to match what employers want”), and that skills aside there are other differences between domestic and international recruits.

    For the construction industry, this latter point was vividly illustrated by the Financial Times last week, which argued that many businesses in this field prefer “pay-by-the-day” labour and self-employed staff, and hence hire internationally and typically not via skilled worker routes – another consequence of this is that they are unlikely to commit to training apprentices. (The article also cites Brian Bell saying that high net migration leads to “real strains on our ability to manage housing and infrastructure,” in case anyone was thinking the MAC will take a more dovish approach under Labour.)

    All in all, bringing about a join-up between the skills and migration systems is a tough ask – or, more cynically, an unrealistic policy goal. It’s clear that the MAC is trying to temper expectations about what can be achieved:

    Linking immigration and skills policy is not a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach and it is important to consider the individual circumstances within sectors and occupations, including diagnosing whether shortages are genuinely driven by a lack of skills or are due to poor pay and conditions of certain roles.

    And the elephant in the room is pay. In the care sector, the MAC has repeatedly stressed that wages need a significant uplift for other visa-related tinkering to have an impact. It stresses this again here, and makes the point that a large proportion of work visas go to public sector workers.

    This is a point for Skills England to take on board as well, you would hope. Its initial report was notably incurious about the role of low pay (especially in the public sector) in driving “skills mismatches”, rather presenting employment more as a simple supply and demand relationship between skills available and skills needed. The MAC annual report has some more persuasive analysis here, showing a lack of correlation between so-called “skills shortage vacancies” (SSVs) and skilled worker visa usage. That is to say, it’s by no means a given that those industries facing skills shortages are the ones more likely to sponsor workers from overseas. There are all kinds of factors at play.

    Quad to the rescue

    You get the sense that the team of economists who make up the Migration Advisory Committee are being careful about the government’s plans to link up skills and migration in a coherent way (it’s also noted at one point that skills is devolved and immigration is not – another challenge).

    What we’re getting to make this all fit together is a new “Quad framework” (I believe this is the first time it’s publicly been referred to in this way). As promised in Labour’s manifesto, the strengthened MAC will be working with the newly launched Industrial Strategy Council, the Department for Work and Pensions, and Skills England – the manifesto in fact promised “skills bodies across the UK”, but this hasn’t been fleshed out yet.

    This Quad will cooperate “to address systemic long-term issues that have led to reliance from certain sectors on international recruitment, and where appropriate, to reduce that reliance.” The MAC anticipates that the Quad will help identify priority sectors (following the industrial strategy, when ready) and determine which have a high reliance on migration, after which the MAC will – if it sees fit – recommend policy levers the government might pull, while Skills England will be drawing up workforce and skills plans, of some sort.

    It’s all a recipe for an incredibly complicated set of moving parts, and given Skills England’s involvement and the importance of overseas staff and student recruitment, one that the English higher education sector would be wise to keep an eye on and work out how it can contribute to.

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  • Universities want more money upfront. DfE wants proof students are really there

    Universities want more money upfront. DfE wants proof students are really there

    When students get their student maintenance loans, they get the first instalment a lot earlier than their university gets the corresponding tuition fee payment.

    That might help explain the curious case of disparities between pulldown – but there’s a sound theory to it. Students without savings could face a cashflow issue if it was any other way.

    It’s becoming a problem for universities too. The Office for Students’ (OfS) financial sustainability update report highlights low liquidity levels in the sector – especially during certain points in the annual cycle.

    That matters because universities have to meet minimum liquidity requirements in the registration conditions in England. A failure to maintain those levels can also impact “going concern” status and breach some lending covenants.

    In the past, cash flow imbalances tended to be offset by other income sources, borrowing, or cross-subsidies, such as from international student fees.

    But given how universities operate and the demands on cash before those SLC payments come in, there is in some providers a disproportionate reliance on arrears payments from SLC-funded students compared to other funding sources.

    For non-SLC funded students, universities typically charge fees upfront (or at least in front-loaded advance instalments) or get payments for stuff like government-funded apprenticeships monthly. Research funding streams also match payments to incurred costs.

    But the SLC’s payment profile for undergrads is 25:25:50 – so universities face significant upfront costs in the first two terms and then wait longer than standard 30-day payment terms to receive funds, forcing them to bridge the gap using other resources.

    So the University Alliance has a proposal – switch those payments to 40:40:20 to improve the sector’s funding position:

    Even if the move was phased first to 33:33:33 and then to 40:40:20 it would have an immediate impact on the current situation which has been adversely impacted by the previous administration’s approach to international student recruitment through restrictive visa policies.

    The current system is going to have to undergo change anyway, given the potential implications of the LLE. I note in passing that one of the most common student leader manifesto goals this year is better, less front-loaded instalments – surely the principle (and the issue in terms of cashflow) cuts both ways.

    But UA’s proposal might not land in quite the way intended – partly because the Student Loans Company is under pressure to increase yield.

    Leakage

    DfE’s “Tailored Review” of the Student Loans Company back in July 2019 talked of the rapidly increasing size of the student loan book, and the increasing importance and value of having a robust, well-resourced and effective repayment strategy which actively seeks to maximise yield.

    That said that the SLC is hamstrung by IT systems which do not “adequately facilitate the use of smart diagnostics for effective modelling, proactive use of data analytics and more precise customer segmentation” to minimise repayment leakage:

    Indeed, unverified customers account for c. £7bn of uncollected repayments (although many of these would not be in a position to repay)

    September’s SLC board minutes noted that its CEO had been along to DfE’s Audit and Risk Committee, where the department led an item on the student finance loan book, with an emphasis on its “scale and yield potential”.

    And its newly published Business Plan for 2024-25 says it will work with partners in DfE to progress proposals to “improve repayment customer verification rates”, “improve data quality to increase verification and yield” and look at options to apply stronger sanctions to customers not adhering to the terms and conditions of their student finance repayments.

    Some of that is about the SLC’s systems – but one of the problems noted in the National Audit Office’s report into franchising is that there is often “insufficient evidence” that students are attending and engaging with their courses:

    In determining a student’s eligibility for loan payments, and before making payments, SLC uses lead providers’ data to confirm students’ attendance. Lead providers self-assure their own data… there is no effective standard against which to measure student engagement, which attendance helps demonstrate, and there is no legal or generally accepted definition of attendance. Providers themselves determine whether students are meaningfully engaged with their course.

    So in a set of circumstances where the NAO and the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) are already worried about attendance and engagement, and providers are worried about their own cashflow, it seems unlikely that DfE is going to be receptive of a proposal to give providers more of the money early – especially if, in the case of franchised provision, it can’t just claw it back from the lead provider if there’s a problem like the Applied Business Academy.

    As we noted back in October, the government’s response to the NAO and the PAC was that it published guidance on attendance management in May, against which providers can be held to account “in relation to the release of SLC tuition fee payments”.

    That said that there is an “understanding and acceptance” across the sector that providers should have in place published attendance and engagement policies, so that students understand the commitment expected of them and the respective process a provider follows if attendance expectations are not met.

    It also said that in any circumstance where a provider does not have a published policy, the department “expects” that one will exist from the 2024-25 academic year – but it’s pretty clear talking to people around the country that that goal hasn’t been meaningfully met in large parts of the sector, at least in terms of a policy that both covers home students and is “auditable”.

    And part of the difficulty there is what is or isn’t meant by “attendance”.

    Attending isn’t always in person

    The Attendance Management guidance says:

    Attendance means participation in a course by a student, including, but not limited to, teaching face-to-face or blended study, in line with a provider’s published attendance policy. A provider should communicate its policy to a student and have an auditable process in place to support the action it may take when a student does not meet attendance expectations.

    It goes on to say that providers have flexibility to ensure every student engages with a course, and that the student and/or the course may require greater or less attendance than another due to circumstances or content.

    SLC told me that there is no difference between “attendance” and “engagement” – the definition of “attendance” for student finance purposes is active and ongoing engagement. Crucially, it said that “attendance” doesn’t have to mean “in person”, or “studying on campus”.

    But the conflation of “attendance” and “engagement” doesn’t seem to apply when a course is designed and designated. Noting that “blended learning” combines traditional classroom teaching with online learning and independent study, it says that there has been some confusion as to whether these courses should be coded as distance learning courses:

    Courses of any teaching method are distance learning if the students only attend occasionally, for example once a term. If students attend regularly, for example once a week, and follow a structured timetable, the course is not distance learning and you should not add it to CMS as such.

    That paragraph draws a clear distinction between attendance and engagement. Its two scenarios also appear to draw a distinction between (physical) attendance and “engagement”:

    • Scenario 1: Thomas is studying a BA Hons in sports coaching. His course hours are 30 weeks online study including lectures and tutorials, 2 days per week physical attendance at sports academy, 6 days per year attendance at university. As Thomas needs to attend the sports academy regularly rather than occasionally, this is an in-attendance course.
    • Scenario 2: Kate is studying an HND in Musical Theatre. Her course hours are 30 weeks online study including lectures and tutorials, 3 days per year (1 day per term) attendance at college. As Kate only needs to attend college occasionally rather than regularly, this is a distance learning course.

    The difference between Scenario 2 and the patterns of attendance being seen by many providers around the country this term is that in that scenario, the course is designed not to include regular physical attendance.

    A two-stage process

    SLC told me that whether it’s distance or in-person, engagement on a course is required and confirmation of that engagement is therefore required for SLC to make a fee loan payment on the student’s behalf.

    Ongoing engagement is not part of the definition of in-person or distance learning. That distinction relates to the attributes of the course that is supplied by the provider, as to whether the course has elements of in-person learning or if the student is not required to be in-person.

    But the obvious question is as follows. Notwithstanding codified exemptions for disabled students, if a course is designed as blended, would an acceptable “attendance management” policy for a course of that sort allow a student to engage all term, but only occasionally physically attend?

    If yes, and Kate’s HND wasn’t designed as blended, and her mate Kathy was on a course that was designed as blended, that would seem to mean that they could both have exactly the same attendance and engagement pattern, but Kathy would get a maintenance loan while Kate wouldn’t.

    If, on the other hand, a course was designed as blended and requiring regular in-person attendance, and SLC would expect an attendance/engagement policy to enforce that regular in-person attendance, there’s plenty of providers right now falling foul of those expectations.

    So you end up with three categories:

    1. Providers who’ve never really had a proper policy on any of this for home students – let alone enforce one – beyond noticing if a student doesn’t submit what can often be end-of-year summative assessment.
    2. Providers who designed a course as blended where students are in reality engaging in a “distance learning” kind of way – which, while confirming engagement in accordance with the rules, seems hugely unjust to tens of thousands of OU students if nothing else.
    3. Providers who are heavily auditing and requiring physical attendance – partly to achieve parity with international students – at just the point that students are struggling to attend in-person given wider demands on their time.

    It may well be the case that SLC is stuck with the definitions it has – which in part date back to the Teaching and Higher Education Act 1998.

    But if it’s the case that it’s OK for an attendance policy to not actually require regular in-person attendance, it’s hard to believe that whatever size and shaped-problem that DfE and the SLC have with student loan fraud is going to get anything other than worse.

    And in the end, this all comes back to an old problem – not knowing what’s going on underneath headline non-continuation.

    How far in?

    Remember those risks that OfS identified in its insight brief on subcontracting:

    • Data of extremely poor quality has been submitted in relation to students at some subcontractual partnerships, leading to payments being made to, and on behalf of, students who are not genuinely entitled to them.
    • Delivery partners have lacked clear attendance policies, making it almost impossible for lead providers to submit accurate data to the OfS and the SLC in relation to these students.
    • Students have been encouraged to register for courses that they do not genuinely intend to study, to access public funding through maintenance loans. In some cases, students have withdrawn from courses shortly after receiving these funds; in others there are grounds to doubt that they are continuing to study, despite their termly attendance being confirmed.

    Whether we’re looking at a select group of partnerships as OfS published data on last week or directly taught provision, while we know what percentage of UG students don’t make it to the second year, we don’t know what proportion:

    • Got instalment 1 of the maintenance loan but didn’t get as far as “engaging” enough for the provider to claim instalment 1 of the tuition fee loan (they don’t show up at all in non-continuation)
    • Engaged enough to enable the provider to claim instalment 1 but not enough to enable the provider to claim instalment 2 (and what proportion of them claimed maintenance instalment 2)
    • Engaged enough to enable the provider to claim instalment 2 but not enough to enable the provider to claim instalment 3 (and what proportion of them claimed maintenance instalment 3)
    • Engaged enough to enable the provider to claim instalment 3 but then failed and was withdrawn
    • Engaged enough to enable the provider to claim instalment 3 and was eligible to progress but then self-withdrew
    • And we don’t know any of the above for subsequent years of study.

    In many ways, what we have here is (yet) another iteration of the stretch involved in a single level playing field. There have been endless tales down the years of Russell Group alumni not really “engaging” at all for entire years, and in some cases entire degree courses – only to pull it out of the bag at the end. It’s an adult environment, after all.

    On the other hand, with another part of the sector now under close scrutiny over ghost students of differing definitions – just as the FE sector saw scandals over in the 90s – it doesn’t feel like that kind of legend is to be allowed.

    In terms of the cashflow thing, if DfE and the SLC are going to push more of the money upfront, they’re surely going to want to know the percentages and numbers in each of the above categories.

    And the accuracy of those percentages and numbers involves providers being sure about “enough” engagement – in an auditable way across the diversity of programmes and reasonable adjustments – to tick the box in the data return to SLC three times a year.

    It does feel like there’s some distance to go on all of that as it stands.

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  • Widening participation students have much to teach us

    Widening participation students have much to teach us

    When co-creating with under-represented groups, the most important element for success is a relational approach.

    We need to embody core values – such as respect, inclusivity, fairness and consideration – in order to ensure that collaborators have a safe space which allows them to thrive.

    Care experienced students have support needs which are often not well understood by the teams who are in place to help. By co-creating resources with local college students who have experience of the care system, we were able to help to provide our tutors with guidance to help them in their support role.

    As the number of young people in care in the UK increases and universities face regulatory pressure to enable access and participation in higher education, we will see more students with care experience entering higher education.

    So it is vital that universities empower them to overcome the obstacles they have already faced and help them achieve their best outcomes.

    Myths and realities

    Although it is a myth that care-experienced young people are more likely to end up in prison than in university, the reality is still that the outcomes for care experienced young people are not good.

    The Care Leavers Association produced a report in 2015 advising that while children in care and care leavers account for less than 1 per cent of the population, over 25 per cent of the adult prison population has previously been in care.

    This, when contrasted with data from the Office for Students, which tells us that in 2018-19 only 13 per cent of pupils who were looked after for 12 months or more, entered higher education compared to 43 per cent of all other pupils, is a glaring call to action.

    Our local authority, Devon, has pledged to add care experience as a protected characteristic under the Equality Act, as recommended by an independent review into children’s social care. This should go some way to ensuring that young people with care experience are protected from discrimination.

    Care experience as expertise

    Our recent initiative focused on ways of working with care-experienced young people, not just as participants but as expert colleagues, whose insights and lived experiences would be integral to the project’s success.

    The relational approach that informed our planning exceeded our hopes, allowing us to create a truly collaborative environment where both the young people and our academic community benefited profoundly and meaningfully.

    The local authority approached the university about work experience opportunities, and our team of two set about designing a week-long suite of mutually beneficial skills-shares and development opportunities. The care experienced individuals who joined us were invited as experts.

    They were studying at local colleges, but have considered university in the future. At the time of the work experience week they were aged 18 – 19. We had not set any parameters for the local authority, our intention being to work with individuals who wanted to take up our offer. These young adults brought invaluable perspectives that informed the creation of resources to improve the support offered to care-experienced students.

    Their contributions were not just helpful—they were essential, producing outcomes that would have been impossible without their input. This was not a one-sided effort but a partnership in which their voices were central to the development process.

    The week in motion

    The week was carefully designed to be balanced, trauma-informed, and safe. It wasn’t about providing generic work experience but about creating a bespoke environment where each young person could belong, see and feel that they mattered, and then identify and pursue their own developmental goals with confidence.

    The rooms, resources, colleagues, and plans were all designed to facilitate a relaxed and respectful collegiate atmosphere.

    We began with talk (and coffee): co-creating and sharing a space to talk and to share experiences, expertise and aspirations.

    The subsequent self-assessment exercises, such as SWOT analyses and personal development plans, allowed the care experienced people to reflect from a place of safety and to articulate their strengths, areas for growth, and personal objectives for the week and beyond.

    Mutual benefits

    This self-directed approach ensured that they were not only contributing to the university’s resources but also advancing their own skills and confidence. The care experienced people became educators, delivering presentations and engaging in microteaching sessions for staff. These opportunities allowed for the young people to refine their communication skills, build their confidence, and further establish themselves as knowledgeable contributors.

    Throughout the week, we prioritised creating a safe and supportive environment. Trust was foundational to the initiative, enabling the young people to fully engage and showcase their expertise and talents.

    We deliberately involved colleagues from various departments and used different spaces across the campus, which helped to familiarise the young people with the university setting and adding to their cultural capital. We approached colleagues who shared our approach towards fully inclusive and respectful collaboration to run workshops and facilitate ideas sharing. This relational pedagogy – centred on trust, respect, and mutual learning – allowed for a rich exchange of knowledge and skills.

    The resources produced during this week were nothing short of exceptional. Covering topics such as finance for care-experienced students, trauma-informed tutoring, and the traits of a supportive tutor, these materials are now invaluable assets for our Academic Personal Tutors.

    Such resources are polished, professional, and most importantly, deeply rooted in the lived experiences of care-experienced individuals. The impact of these resources will be felt across the university, enhancing the support we provide to care-experienced students in a way that truly reflects their needs.

    The week culminated in a resource-showcase, which was attended by academics and professional services colleagues from across the university, as well as external stakeholders.

    This was a special moment, for all involved: either observing or being our colleagues-for-the-week, mingling at the showcase tables to talk about their design rationale and why supporting the care leaver agenda is so important. It was an event that helped to highlight to the young people the quality and significance of the resources that they had developed.

    Success

    The feedback that we received from the young people matched our aspirations for the week: they felt supported, empowered, efficacious.

    The success of this initiative has inspired us to expand the model. We plan to repeat the experience with other care-experienced young people and extend it to work alongside other underrepresented groups.

    Our goal is not only to support those already within our institution, but also to demonstrate that higher education is a welcoming and inclusive space for everyone. By continuing to adopt a relational approach that values the contributions of all students as expert colleagues, we can create a more equitable and supportive academic environment.

    This initiative was a sobering reminder that the messages that society tells young people about their potential become their inner voice.

    It was also testament to the power of collaboration, mutual respect, and the genuine belief that every student, regardless of their background, has the potential to belong in, and contribute to, the academic community. We must remember that while we work to support widening participation students, they also have much to teach us.

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  • Supreme Court must halt unprecedented TikTok ban to allow review, FIRE argues in new brief to high court

    Supreme Court must halt unprecedented TikTok ban to allow review, FIRE argues in new brief to high court

    Today, FIRE filed an amicus curiae (“friend of the court”) brief in support of TikTok’s emergency application for an injunction pending review of a law that would force it to shut down absent divestiture of Chinese ownership. The Summary of Argument from the brief, on which FIRE is joined by the Institute for Justice and Reason Foundation, explains the law’s grave threat to free speech. 

    The nationwide ban on TikTok is the first time in history our government has proposed — or a court approved — prohibiting an entire medium of communications. The law imposes a prior restraint, and restricts speech based on both its content and viewpoint. As such, if not unconstitutional per se, it should be subject to the highest level of First Amendment scrutiny. Given the grave consequences, both for free speech doctrine and for the 170 million Americans who use TikTok to communicate with one another, this Court should at least hit the “pause button” before allowing such a drastic policy to go into effect.

    The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit correctly recognized the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act, (“the Act”) as a direct regulation of speech. Exercising original and exclusive jurisdiction over TikTok’s constitutional challenge, the court held the Act “implicates the First Amendment and is subject to heightened scrutiny,” and assumed but did not decide strict scrutiny was warranted. . However, the court held the Act “clears this high bar,” granting deference to the government’s characterization of alleged national security concerns to conclude the Act was “carefully crafted to deal only with control by a foreign adversary, and it was part of a broader effort to counter a well-substantiated national security threat posed by the [People’s Republic of China].”

    Although the appellate panel was correct that the Act should be subject to the highest level of First Amendment scrutiny, it failed to actually hold the government to its burden of proof, and deferred too readily to unsupported assertions of a national security threat.

    Congress has not met the heavy constitutional burden the First Amendment demands when regulating speech, let alone banning an entire expressive platform. No published legislative findings or other official public records attempt to explain or substantiate why the Act’s severe encroachment on millions of Americans’ right to speak and to receive information is necessary to address a real and serious problem. Nor was there any showing the ban would effectively address the asserted risks.

    The proffered evidence of the law’s purpose reveals illegitimate intent to suppress disfavored speech and generalized concerns about data privacy and national security. These concerns fall far short of satisfying strict scrutiny, and the court’s extreme deference to governmental conjecture is unwarranted, misguided, and dangerous. Nor is the Act narrowly tailored to any compelling or substantial government interest, as the First Amendment requires.

    Constitutional intrusions of this unprecedented magnitude demand this Court’s full consideration before they take effect. This Court should grant Petitioners’ emergency application for an injunction pending review.

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  • Free speech advocates converge to support FIRE’s ‘Let’s Go Brandon’ federal court appeal

    Free speech advocates converge to support FIRE’s ‘Let’s Go Brandon’ federal court appeal

    FIRE, supported by a wave of prominent organizations and scholars as “friends of the court,” has appealed a district court’s ruling that limited the rights of students to attend middle and high school wearing clothes bearing the “Let’s Go Brandon” political slogan. FIRE is asking a federal appeals court to strike down the decision below and uphold freedom of expression for public school students, and a broad spectrum of free speech advocates and language experts are backing us up.

    So what happened? In April 2023, FIRE sued a west Michigan school district and two administrators for preventing two students from wearing “Let’s Go Brandon” sweatshirts. The “Let’s Go Brandon” slogan originated during an October 2021 NASCAR race. After the race, won by Brandon Brown, members of the crowd chanted “Fuck Joe Biden” during Brown’s post-race interview. A commentator remarked that the fans were shouting “Let’s Go Brandon!” 


    WATCH VIDEO: NASCAR fans chant “Fuck Joe Biden” after the race.

    Since then, the presidential campaign of Donald Trump and Republican members of Congress have used the phrase widely, including during Congressional floor speeches, to show their displeasure with the Biden administration. The “Let’s Go Brandon” slogan airs uncensored on broadcast television, national cable news, and broadcast radio for all to hear. In the case on appeal, FIRE’s clients wore their “Let’s Go Brandon” sweatshirts to school to express their disapproval of Biden and his administration. 

    During the lawsuit, the school acknowledged the students did not cause any disruption with their apparel. Yet this past August, the District Court for the Western District of Michigan upheld the school district’s censorship of “Let’s Go Brandon” apparel, holding “Let’s Go Brandon” is legally indistinguishable from “Fuck Joe Biden” and therefore constitutes “profanity.” 

    As FIRE’s appeal argues, that’s not how speech works. “Heck” is not the same as “hell,” “darn” is not the same as “damn,” and “Let’s Go Brandon” is not the same as “Fuck Joe Biden.” The government may not censor public school students’ political expression absent substantial disruption. Nor may school districts bypass this First Amendment protection by dubbing disfavored political speech “profane.” 

    This case will play a critical role in protecting the rights of other minor students to engage in non-disruptive political expression as guaranteed under the First Amendment.

    Last week, 18 individuals and organizations, including some of the world’s foremost linguistic experts, joined together to file eight amicus curiae, or “friend of the court” briefs in support of minors’ free speech rights. These briefs urge the Sixth Circuit to recognize what has long been understood outside the courtroom — sanitized expression is, by design, distinguishable from the profane language it replaces: 

    Linguistic Scholars: Dr. Melissa Mohr, Dr. Rebecca Roache, Professor Timothy Jay, Professor John H. McWhorter, and Professor Steven Pinker are internationally recognized linguistic scholars whose works focus on the history, psychology, and sociology of swearing. Each has written extensively on how language works and the role it continues to play in society. Together, they submitted a brief through Quinn Emanuel Urquhart & Sullivan, LLP, helpfully delineating the different types of “sanitized expression,” including euphemisms like “Let’s Go Brandon,” and describing their ubiquity and importance in political discourse. As they state at the beginning of their brief: “This case is not about swearing; it is about not swearing.”

    First Amendment Scholars: Dean Erwin Chemerinsky, Professor Clay Calvert, Professor Roy Gutterman, Professor Mary-Rose Papandrea, and Professor Joseph A. Tomain submitted an amicus brief through Cornell Law School’s First Amendment Clinic and attorney Michael Grygiel. Drawing on decades of study, the scholars methodically apply seminal First Amendment decisions to this particular case. Their brief argues: “the lower court failed to apply Tinker’s ‘substantial disruption’ test, as required when schools seek to prohibit student expression within the school environment that communicates a political message,” and thus “departed from longstanding public student constitutional free speech principles.”

    Liberty Justice Center: The Liberty Justice Center’s amicus brief asserts the district court’s decision represents an unprecedented expansion of “profanity” and is part of a nationwide increase in political censorship. The brief describes how “censorship of entirely mainstream political discourse has become all too common around the country” and school authorities increasingly seek to restrict free expression. The LJC argues that the district court’s opinion exacerbates this growing problem, by authorizing schools to treat “every euphemism . . . as the equivalent of its reference.”

    Dhillon Law Group, Young America’s Foundation, and Hamilton Lincoln Law Institute: These organizations submitted an amicus brief asserting the lower court’s failed to properly apply Tinker and its progeny to the students’ “Let’s Go Brandon” sweatshirts, which likewise represented political, non-profane student speech. Through careful analysis of First Amendment doctrine, their brief explains that the “district court erred in disregarding the political nature of appellants’ ‘Let’s Go Brandon’ apparel” and undervaluing the importance of First Amendment protections in K-12 public schools.

    National Coalition Against Censorship: The National Coalition Against Censorship submitted an amicus brief through Covington & Burling LLP to challenge the district court’s categorization of “Let’s Go Brandon” as unprotected “profane” expression. The brief argues that the “district court’s analysis would create a new, ill-defined category of ‘euphemistic’ profanity,” and “give school officials wide latitude to silence viewpoints they find objectionable, a result at odds with existing First Amendment doctrine.” The brief asserts that the lower court’s decision “represents a serious departure from our nation’s historical commitment to protecting political speech” and urges the Sixth Circuit to reverse. 

    Manhattan Institute: The Manhattan Institute’s amicus brief emphasizes the critical importance of preserving free speech rights in K-12 public schools, where students develop the skills necessary to productively engage in democratic society. The brief describes case law reflecting the importance of these freedoms in primary and secondary schools — and argues the district court’s opinion fails to “accurately reflect this understanding.”

    Parents Defending Education: Parents Defending Education submitted an amicus brief through Consovoy McCarthy PLLC arguing that the district court’s decision cannot be reconciled with First Amendment principles. The brief emphasizes how the school codes at issue in this case are part of a growing and concerning “trend of schools adopting speech codes prohibiting controversial speech.” And the brief asserts each of the cases relied on by the lower court are distinguishable.

    Buckeye Institute: The Buckeye Institute’s amicus brief contends that under established First Amendment doctrine, “[r]egulation of speech under the First Amendment should constitute a rare exception.” Yet, they argue, the Michigan school district, motivated by desire to censor what it deems undesirable speech, disregarded that doctrine in order to censor non-disruptive political speech “that does not fall within one of the Supreme Court’s approved exceptions” to the First Amendment’s protection. 

    Our clients and their counsel are grateful for the support of this impressive and diverse amicus coalition. This case will play a critical role in protecting the rights of other minor students to engage in non-disruptive political expression as guaranteed under the First Amendment.

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  • Online Learners: Generational Influences on Expectations and Satisfaction

    Online Learners: Generational Influences on Expectations and Satisfaction

    Earlier this year, I was interested to read RNL’s Generations of Online Learners report, which was produced by cross-tabbing our national survey of (largely) prospective online students by the three primary student generations. There has been greater awareness in recent years of the influence of generational differences in higher education, and this made me interested to explore the perceptions of students by age within our National Online Learners dataset.

    These data reflect the responses to the RNL Priorities Survey for Online Learners (PSOL) over the past three academic years (fall 2021 through spring 2024), which now reflects a fully post-pandemic point of view. The total data represents 101,925 student records from 153 institutions. The PSOL asks students to indicate a level of importance and a level of satisfaction on a variety of experiences associated with their online study.

    While the standard age categories used in the PSOL don’t exactly line up with the generational parameters, we can get close with these designations:

    Age Indicator Generational Designation
    19-24 Gen Z
    25-34 Millennial (One)
    35-44 Millennial (Two)
    45 -54 GenX

    Tuition paid is a worthwhile investment

    One of the high priority items on the PSOL is the perception of “Tuition paid is a worthwhile investment.”

    Tuition paid is a worthwhile investment.

    Gen Z Millennial (One) Millennial (Two) Gen X
    Importance* 86% 89% 91% 92%
    Satisfaction** 62% 67% 71% 76%

    *% of students who indicated the item was important/very important
    **% of students who indicated they were satisfied/very satisfied with this item

    While this item is just 6 percent less important to Gen Z students than it is to Gen Xers, Gen Z students are 14 percent less satisfied than the Gen Xers. The older the student, the more likely they are to be satisfied with their tuition investment. What this says to online programs is you may need to more intentionally build the case for the investment of time and resources when you are recruiting and looking to retain Gen Z students (the primary “traditional age” student cohort) than you may need to be when recruiting (and seeking to retain) either Millennials or Gen X online students.

    Items of less importance to Gen Z/more important to Gen X

    Three other items stand out as being much less important to Gen Z students than they are to Gen X students:

    • This institution has a good reputation.
    • Factor to enroll: Reputation of the institution
    • Source of information: Catalog (online)

    Each of these items saw at least 10 percent less importance among Gen Z online students when compared with Gen X.

    This could be considered in the reverse: these items are actually more important to older students than they are younger students. If you are an online program that is specifically looking to recruit online learners who are older, you may want to emphasize your overall reputation and include reliable resources that speak to the quality of the education you are providing.

    These Gen X ratings may be (at least in part) due to a lack of exposure that this generation had to online learning options when they were younger; they may need more evidence that online learning is an acceptable way to get a degree. In addition, older online students may be more accustomed to reviewing catalogs and expecting to see a complete catalog as an online resource as they are determining their program and direction for course work.

    Conversely, the relative lack of concern that Gen Z students give to issues of reputation (likely as a placeholder for “quality” of the program) is likely an indicator of their comfort with the online modality – which for them does not represent something experimental or new. Particularly after the pandemic (and their exposure to online or remote learning) they may not have loved those experiences, but they did become quite comfortable with them.

    Five areas where Gen Z students are much less satisfied than Gen X

    There were a number of factors for which Gen Z online students indicated satisfaction levels which are 10 percent or more lower than among Gen X online students.

    Faculty provide timely feedback about student progress.

    Gen Z Millennial (One) Millennial (Two) Gen X
    Satisfaction* 66% 71% 73% 76%

    *% of students who indicated they were satisfied/very satisfied with this item

    The quality of instruction is excellent.

    Gen Z Millennial (One) Millennial (Two) Gen X
    Satisfaction* 65% 70% 72% 76%

    *% of students who indicated they were satisfied/very satisfied with this item

    Adequate financial aid is available.

    Gen Z Millennial (One) Millennial (Two) Gen X
    Satisfaction* 59% 66% 68% 70%

    *% of students who indicated they were satisfied/very satisfied with this item

    I receive timely information on the availability of financial aid.

    Gen Z Millennial (One) Millennial (Two) Gen X
    Satisfaction* 64% 72% 74% 74%

    *% of students who indicated they were satisfied/very satisfied with this item

    This institution responds quickly when I request information.

    Gen Z Millennial (One) Millennial (Two) Gen X
    Satisfaction* 68 % 76 % 78 % 80 %

    *% of students who indicated they were satisfied/very satisfied with this item

    These data make it clear that the youngest online students are clearly less satisfied with their experience than are older generations. Note that all respondents are in fully online programs and are not reflecting any of the “emergency remote learning” that occurred during the pandemic – a period that precedes the data collection window. Having said this, these younger students may be more ready to be critical of fully online learning due to possible pandemic-era remote learning experiences. Alternatively, their lifelong exposure to all things online may just make them have higher expectations of their online programs than older students. As we have documented elsewhere, their expectations may be informed by the many other highly personalized and speedy online interactions they have in other spheres of their lives.

    The results reflected here provide an opportunity for online programs to consider the student populations they are targeting for recruitment purposes and how they can best retain them through to completion of the program – and thereby maximize their student success outcomes. Targeted initiatives and communication related to these priority areas for younger students may best serve institutions with achieving their goals, recognizing that students in different age groups have different perceptions and perspectives that they bring with them to the higher education experience.

    Survey your students

    The most relevant and useful data points that will maximize student success are always specific to each institution. For this reason, it is important that institutions (and in this case online programs) need to survey their own student population to identify areas of importance and satisfaction (and dissatisfaction). Once you have data for your own institution (or online program), you can isolate it by various demographics and then target your activities for subpopulations that may be less satisfied with their experience. The work you do to gather student feedback data, to explore it for insights and to use it to inform actions will have the greatest impact on student success.

    Contact me if you would like to learn more about administering the Priorities Survey for Online Learners with your students.

    I also invite you to download the 2024 National Student Satisfaction and Priorities Report to learn more about the perceptions of students by class level in traditional and online programs

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  • Helping Families See the True Cost of College

    Helping Families See the True Cost of College

    When it comes to choosing a college, the sticker price can be a major turnoff. A significant 65% of prospective students and 67% of their families report ruling out institutions based solely on the advertised “sticker price”.

    Source: 2024 Prospective Family Engagement Report

    But what does this mean for colleges and universities, and how can they help families look beyond the sticker shock to understand the true affordability of a degree?

    The rising tide of sticker shock

    Chart showing increase in number of families ruling out campuses because of price, from 58% in 2022 to 67% in 2024Chart showing increase in number of families ruling out campuses because of price, from 58% in 2022 to 67% in 2024
    Sources: 2024 Prospective Family Engagement and 2022 Prospective Family Engagement reports


    Ruling out colleges based on the sticker price is on the rise – and it’s happening fast. In just three years, the percentage of families eliminating schools from consideration due to high upfront costs has jumped from 58% in 2022 to 67% in 2024.

    This suggests that concerns about affordability are increasingly driving the college planning process, with families taking a hard look at the bottom line before even exploring other factors. But is this sticker shock reaction always a rational response, or might colleges be losing out on applicants who could afford to attend with the help of financial aid?

    The generational divide

    Chart showing that that nearly 70% of first generation students and families have ruled out an institution based on price.Chart showing that that nearly 70% of first generation students and families have ruled out an institution based on price.
    Sources: 2024 Prospective Family Engagement and 2024 High School Students’ Perceptions of College Financing

    A notable divide emerges when comparing the sticker shock responses of first-generation college students to their continuing-generation peers. A full 69% of first-generation students reported ruling out schools based on sticker price, compared to 64% of continuing-generation students.

    This disparity is also reflected in families’ perceptions, with 68% of first-generation families eliminating schools due to cost versus 62% of continuing-generation families. This could suggest that first-generation students and families are less familiar with the intricacies of college financing and the crucial distinction between sticker and net price.

    As a result, they may be more likely to focus on the daunting upfront cost without fully exploring the available aid options. How can colleges better reach, educate, and support these first-generation students about affordability to prevent them from ruling out institutions that could be a great fit financially and academically?

    The role of family involvement

    Chart showing that 75% of students whose families are not involved in college planning will rule out an institution based on sticker price.Chart showing that 75% of students whose families are not involved in college planning will rule out an institution based on sticker price.
    Source: 2024 High School Students’ Perceptions of College Financing

    The level of family involvement in the college search process also plays a role in sticker shock decisions. Students with very involved parents were less likely to rule out colleges based on sticker price (63%), suggesting that parental guidance may help applicants look beyond the initial cost to consider the bigger financial picture.

    But what about students with less involved parents? A striking 75% of students with uninvolved parents ruled out colleges based on sticker price. How can colleges step in to provide the necessary counseling and education about affordability for these applicants?

    Loan anxiety and sticker shock: A shared concern for students and families

    For both students and their families, concerns about loan debt play a significant role in the sticker shock equation. A striking 70% of students who expressed concerns about borrowing to finance their education were more likely to rule out colleges based on high prices. Families share this loan anxiety – 73% of families with loan concerns reported ruling out institutions based on sticker price. This underscores the need for colleges to address loan concerns head-on through transparent communication about financing options, debt management strategies, and a degree’s long-term return on investment.

    Chart showing more than 70% of students have fears about borrowing to pay for college.Chart showing more than 70% of students have fears about borrowing to pay for college.
    Source: 2024 High School Students’ Perceptions of College Financing

    By providing reassurance and resources, institutions can help applicants feel more comfortable with the financial commitment and less likely to rule out schools due to initial sticker shock. Importantly, 72% of students and 79% of families reported that their borrowing concerns were negatively impacting their college planning, suggesting that proactive support from institutions is crucial in mitigating loan anxiety and promoting a more holistic view of affordability.

    The net price imperative

    While sticker price can be a major deterrent, the actual net price of attendance paints a very different picture. Institutions must do a better job of clearly communicating net price information to prospective students and families.

    This means highlighting available aid, scholarships, and financing options to demonstrate affordability. Tools like net price calculators can be powerful in helping applicants understand the true cost of attendance. But are these resources being effectively utilized and communicated to offset the sticker shock reaction?

    To help families and students look beyond sticker shock, institutions can take the following steps:

    1. Clearly communicate net price information: Highlight the difference between sticker price and net price on your website and in recruitment materials.
    2. Provide transparent financing information: Break down the costs of attendance and explain financing options in clear, easy-to-understand language.
    3. Offer user-friendly net price calculators: Help families estimate their actual out-of-pocket costs with interactive net price calculators.
    4. Proactively counsel about aid: Don’t wait for families to ask – offer personalized financial aid counseling to prospective students.
    5. Address loan anxiety: Provide resources and guidance to help students and families understand responsible borrowing and debt management.
    6. Highlight value beyond price: Showcase the long-term value and outcomes of a degree from your institution to demonstrate the return on investment.
    7. Partner with high schools: Collaborate with high school counselors to provide early education about college financing and affordability.
    8. Target outreach to first-gen students and their families: Recognize that first-generation students may need additional support and education about the college financing process.
    9. Follow up with sticker-shocked applicants: If a student expresses interest but seems deterred by the sticker price, proactively reach out with information about aid and affordability options.
    10. Leverage video and AI to personalize the process: Use video content and artificial intelligence tools to provide personalized, interactive explanations of financial aid and affordability. AI-powered chatbots can offer 24/7 support to answer families’ financing questions, while personalized video messages can break down complex aid packages in an easy-to-digest format. By embracing these technologies, institutions can create a more engaging, self-service-oriented experience that empowers families to confidently navigate the affordability landscape.

    The bottom line and more findings from our Perceptions report

    The sticker shock phenomenon is a real and growing concern in college admissions. However, by understanding the factors that drive these decisions and taking proactive steps to educate families, colleges can help prospective students see beyond the advertised tuition rate to consider the true affordability of a degree. This requires a nuanced understanding of the college financing landscape and a commitment to clear, transparent communication. With the right approaches, institutions can attract diverse applicants who may have otherwise been deterred by sticker shock.

    You can read more insights and findings in the 2024 High School Students’ Perceptions of College Financing report, co-sponsored by our partners Ardeo and Halda. This report captures data from a survey of more than 2,100 11th- and 12th-grade students. Read it now.

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