Category: greece

  • Greek TNE applications surge under new law

    Greek TNE applications surge under new law

    The applications from 11 British, one French and one Cypriot institution were submitted to the Greek Ministry of Education on March 31, after regulatory reform allowing international universities to establish fully accredited branch campuses in Greece.  

    Greek education minister Sophia Zacharaki welcomed the “historic reform”, which aims to meet the growing demand from Greek students for internationally recognised and accredited university degrees.  

    “[The reform] provides new choices to Greek college students, establishes Greece as an educational destination for thousands of foreign students,” said Zacharaki.

    She added that the reform would provide the opportunity for Greek scientists working abroad to return to Greece, transforming the country into “a hub of knowledge and innovation for the greater region of southeastern Europe”.  

    As well as attracting international students, the legislation aims to meet the “ever-increasing domestic demand” for higher education, halt the emigration of Greek young people and encourage the return of Greek academics and scientists.

    In 2024, more than 40,000 Greeks studied abroad, according to the government.

    And yet, the bill was met with fierce opposition during its parliamentary debate, sparking weeks of protests from domestic students and faculty who argued the legislation would undermine Greek state universities and devalue domestic degrees.  

    It’s advocates, however, maintain that healthy competition will uplift Greece’s higher education system, attract international investment and create new jobs.  

    “The government wants to modernise the Greek higher education landscape and create two systems, one state and one non-state that will interact creatively with each other,” said Study in Greece director, Theodoros Papaioannou, when the bill was passed.  

    Pending government approval, the majority of applicants plan to launch branch campus operations in October 2025, with nine institutions already partnered with Greek private colleges that operate as affiliates of European institutions.  

    For instance, York University’s existing partner, CITY College in Thessaloniki, will transition into the University of York Europe Campus, CITY U.L.E, operating as a non-state, non-for-profit university.

    Among the other UK applicants are the University of East London, the University of Greater Manchester, the University of Derby, London Metropolitan University, the University of West London and the University of Essex.

    [The branch campus] promises to elevate the educational landscape in Greece and offer students even more pathways for success

    Constantine Arcoumanis, Metropolitan College, Greece

    UEL’s institutional partner, Metropolitan College, Greece (MC), welcomed the collaboration, highlighting the benefit of Greek students obtaining accredited degrees from leading European universities.  

    “[The branch campus] promises to elevate the educational landscape in Greece and offer students even more pathways for success,” said MC academic board chairman Constantine Arcoumanis, adding he was “excited” about the proposals.  

    To ensure accessibility for domestic students, UEL said that many of its programs would be delivered in Greek, and that students would have access to UEL’s careers services and soft skills support, as well as study abroad, cultural exchange and learning resources.  

    The University of York’s campus, with locations in Thessaloniki and Athens, plans to establish a “leading hub for computer science studies”, initially offering undergraduate and postgraduate degrees across the schools of business studies, sciences, and law and humanities.  

    In a video message, York’s vice-chancellor welcomed the Greek government’s decision and said that his branch campus aimed to “contribute to the advancement of higher education and to establish Greece as an international education hub”.

    Last month, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis spotlighted York University’s interest in expanding operations to Greece: “Ranked 146th globally in 2025, York has been recognised for its excellence in research and teaching by official British institutions,” he told Greek media.

    Since Mitsotakis came to power in 2019, Greece has pursued the internationalisation of higher education, with the Prime Minister highlighting the need to combat Greece’s “brain drain”.

    In July 2022, the government changed the constitution to allow universities to offer bachelor programs taught in English.

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  • Open universities: between radical promise and market reality

    Open universities: between radical promise and market reality

    by Ourania Filippakou

    Open universities have long symbolised a radical departure from the exclusivity of conventional universities. Conceived as institutions of access, intellectual emancipation, and social transformation, they promised to disrupt rigid academic hierarchies and democratise knowledge. Yet, as higher education is increasingly reshaped by market logics, can open universities still claim to be engines of social progress, or have they become institutions that now reproduce the very inequalities they sought to dismantle?

    This question is not merely academic; it is profoundly political. Across the globe, democratic institutions are under siege, and the erosion of democracy is no longer an abstraction – it is unfolding in real time (cf EIU, 2024; Jones, 2025). The rise of far-right ideologies, resurgent racism, intensified attacks on women’s and LGBTQ+ rights, and the erosion of protections for migrants and marginalised communities all point to a crisis of democracy that cannot be separated from the crisis of education (Giroux, 2025). As Giroux (1984) argues, education is never neutral; it can operate as both a potential site for fostering critical consciousness and resistance and a mechanism for reproducing systems of social control and domination. Similarly, Butler (2005) reminds us that the very categories of who counts as human, who is deemed grievable, and whose knowledge is legitimised are deeply political struggles.

    Open universities, once heralded as radical interventions in knowledge production, now find themselves entangled in these struggles. Increasingly, they are forced to reconcile their egalitarian aspirations with the ruthless pressures of neoliberalism and market-driven reforms. The challenge they face is no less than existential: to what extent can they uphold their role as spaces of intellectual and social transformation, or will they become further absorbed into the logics of commodification and control?

    My article (Filippakou, 2025) in Policy Reviews in Higher Education, ‘Two ideologies of openness: a comparative analysis of the Open Universities in the UK and Greece’, foregrounds a crucial but often overlooked dimension: the ideological battles that have shaped open universities over time. The UK Open University (OU) and the Hellenic Open University (HOU) exemplify two distinct yet converging trajectories. The UK OU, founded in the 1960s as part of a broader post-war commitment to social mobility, was a political project – an experiment in making university education available to those long excluded from elite institutions. The HOU, by contrast, emerged in the late 1990s within the European Union’s push for a knowledge economy, where lifelong learning was increasingly framed primarily in terms of workforce development. While both institutions embraced ‘openness’ as a defining principle, the meaning of that openness has shifted – from an egalitarian vision of education as a public good to a model struggling to reconcile social inclusion with neoliberal imperatives.

    A key insight of this analysis is that open universities do not merely widen participation; they reflect deeper contestations over the purpose of higher education itself. The UK OU’s early success inspired similar models worldwide, but today, relentless marketisation – rising tuition fees, budget cuts, and the growing encroachment of corporate interests – threatens to erode its founding ethos.

    Meanwhile, the HOU was shaped by a European policy landscape that framed openness not merely as intellectual emancipation but as economic necessity. Both cases illustrate the paradox of open universities: they continue to expand access, yet their structural constraints increasingly align them with the logic of precarity, credentialism, and market-driven efficiency.

    This struggle over education is central to the survival of democracy. Arendt (1961, 2005) warned that democracy is not self-sustaining; it depends on an informed citizenry capable of judgment, debate, and resistance. Higher education, in this sense, is not simply about skills or employability – it is about cultivating the capacity to think critically, to challenge authority, and to hold power to account (Giroux, 2019). Open universities were once at the forefront of this democratic mission. But as universities in general, and open universities in particular, become increasingly instrumentalised – shaped by political forces intent on suppressing dissent, commodifying learning, and hollowing out universities’ transformative potential – their role in sustaining democratic publics is under threat.

    The real question, then, is not simply whether open universities remain ‘open’ but how they define and enact this openness. To what extent do they serve as institutions of intellectual and civic transformation, or have they primarily been reduced to flexible degree factories, catering to market demands under the guise of accessibility? By comparing the UK and Greek experiences, this article aims to challenge readers to rethink the ideological stakes of openness in higher education today. The implications extend far beyond open universities themselves. The broader appeal of this analysis lies in its relevance to anyone interested in universities as sites of social change. Open universities are not just alternatives to conventional universities – they represent larger struggles over knowledge, democracy, and economic power. The creeping normalisation of authoritarian politics, the suppression of academic freedom, and the assault on marginalised voices in public discourse demand that we reclaim higher education as a site of resistance.

    Can open universities reclaim their radical promise? If higher education is to resist the encroachment of neoliberalism and reactionary politics, we must actively defend institutions that prioritise intellectual freedom, civic literacy, and higher education for the public good. The future of open universities – and higher education itself – depends not only on institutional policies but on whether scholars, educators, and students collectively resist these forces. The battle for openness is not just about access; it is about the kind of society we choose to build – for ourselves and the generations to come.

    Ourania Filippakou is a Professor of Education at Brunel University of London. Her research interrogates the politics of higher education, examining universities as contested spaces where power, inequality, and resistance intersect. Rooted in critical traditions, she explores how higher education can foster social justice, equity, and transformative change.

    Author: SRHE News Blog

    An international learned society, concerned with supporting research and researchers into Higher Education

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