Blog

  • Why Brand Personality Matters in Higher Ed Storytelling

    Why Brand Personality Matters in Higher Ed Storytelling

    Let’s be honest: if higher education were a TV show, it would be peak prestige drama.

    Every semester is a season premiere.
    Every campus is its own cinematic universe.
    Every student, faculty member, and alumnus has protagonist potential.
    Every Admitted Students Day? A trailer for next year’s cast.

    The stars are already on set — teaching, learning, researching, living, changing. You can almost see the narrative arcs forming above their heads.

    And yet, despite all that narrative gold, our storytelling chops keep getting called into question.

    “We need to do a better job telling our story.

    You’ve heard it. You’ve bristled at it. You’ve built decks and dashboards to push back. Yet the line persists, like a cloud hovering over the work we do.

    The Real Problem Isn’t a Lack of Stories

    Here’s the truth: we don’t suffer from a storytelling problem. We suffer from a personality problem. Not a lack of it. An inconsistency expressing it.

    We’re not short on stories. What we’re short on is storytelling that sounds like it comes from the same person: A single, authentic institutional brand voice.

    Think about how we show up across channels:

    • In alumni magazines, we publish sophisticated, long-form profiles — crafted by former journalists, English majors, and freelancers, rendered in pristine AP style.
    • On social, we pivot to the punchy image-and-quip, one-two combo — managed by digital natives fluent in GA4.
    • In digital ads, we lean into acronyms and rankings — MBA, MPH, ROI — written to convert by performance-driven marketers who, at many institutions, are also running organic social.
    •  In admissions collateral, we cozy up to prospects with the warmest, most inclusive voice, inviting students to join our community — with messaging led by enrollment strategists who know yield rates by ZIP code.
    • In fundraising campaign materials, we ask alumni to dream, give, and mentor — crafted by savvy Advancement teams often siloed from central marcomm.

    Each approach is smart. Strategic. Even successful on its own terms. But together, they don’t sound like one institution. They sound like five different ones.

    Here’s what happens when we tell each of these stories using the same institutional voice:

    • Our stories build trust.
    • That trust builds relationships.
    • Those relationships build reputation.
    • Reputation builds value, so that, over time, we can rely on personality-driven branding more and we have to rely on marketing less. 

    Marketing less means not having to explain things differently to different audiences, because people already know our institutions. They like us and are raising their hands to join us.

    Getting there takes discipline. It requires vision, leadership, alignment, and an institution-wide commitment to showing up consistently and authentically everywhere, with one personality that rings true in all we market and communicate. 

    Before getting into just how to do it, though, let’s take a step back and examine where we stand as an industry in our evolution over time as marketers and communicators. 

    The History Behind Our Branding Evolution

    American colleges have been around for centuries, yet we’ve only invested in higher education branding and marketing for a few decades. The truth is that we’re barely in our adolescence as a field, in terms of our ability to speak with one, authentic voice on behalf of our institutions. Harvard, the first institution of higher education in the US,  opened in 1636. And for more than 340 years thereafter, American higher education didn’t have to market itself. At least not like other B2C or B2B sectors. 

    Even transformative legislation—the National Defense Education Act of 1958 and the Higher Education Act of 1965—expanded access, but didn’t change how institutions communicated. Marketing? Not part of the equation. Admissions officers were gatekeepers, not storytellers.

    But outside higher ed, the world was changing fast.

    The 1950s and ’60s were the Golden Age of Advertising. Brands weren’t just selling products. They were building emotional resonance through personality. They created archetypally precise personas to speak to audiences not just demographically and geographically,  but psychologically.  It was during this marketing boom that advertising agencies began creating more sophisticated brand expressions for products and goods to connect with consumers on an emotional level.

    • Snap, Crackle, and Pop were the Entertainers.
    • The Marlboro Man was the Rebel.
    • Volkswagen was a mix of Rebel and Sophisticate.

    Most importantly, brands started speaking to young people. They identified a new “jackpot market”: kids, teenagers, college students. And they adjusted their tone accordingly. Think: fun, irreverent, aspirational, cool.

    Higher education missed this shift entirely — even though our audience was the same.

    Why? Because we didn’t need to compete. Yet.

    Between WWII and Vietnam, demand surged. Higher ed was still seen as Horace Mann’s Great Equalizer—the key that unlocks the American Dream. Institutions were viewed as manifestations of public good. Flawed? Yes. Exclusionary? Certainly. But necessary and trusted.

    It wasn’t until the late 1970s and early 1980s — after major federal disinvestment and the rise of tuition-dependent business models — that things started to shift. It was during this era that states began to cut funding, which, for the first time,  meant that our public institutions became dependent on net tuition revenue (NTR).  Suddenly, colleges and universities had to start thinking like businesses. They had to attract, not just admit. They had to position, persuade, and promote.

    Branding arrived. Slowly. Unevenly.

    At first, it was mostly visual—logos, color palettes, typefaces. Then came slogans. All the taglines! Then campaigns.

    But for the most part, higher ed continued to treat branding as something layered on after, or on top of institutional strategy—not something baked into it. 

    And today, in 2026, we still do. We default to the safest, blandest kind of language to reach our audiences:

    • Empower the future.
    • Ignite potential.
    • Pursue your passions.
    • We are [insert abstract noun] makers.
    • Change the world.
    • Best value. Highest ROI. Nationally ranked.

    And we wonder why our campaigns fade within two years. Meanwhile, we keep telling stories. Good ones. But fragmented ones.

    • Our magazines profile alumni.
    • Our ads promise boardroom-ready success.
    • Our strategic plans forecast institutional transformation.
    • Our campaign videos tug at heartstrings.
    • Our recruitment emails crack jokes.

    None of these messages is wrong. But very few are connected by a consistent tone, point of view, or personality.

    And the explosion of digital channels has only made this worse.

    In the 1960s, marketers had four big channels: TV, radio, print, and outdoor. Today? We’ve got paid search, paid social, organic, in-app, mobile, OTT, CTV, podcasts, immersive media, video pre-roll, native advertising, SMS, email, and now AI-powered everything.

    The noise is real. But the answer isn’t more noise. It’s tuning in our messaging to just one frequency; to hone in on our authentic institutional personality.

    Because when we look outside higher ed, we see what consistency actually looks like:

    • LEGO is creativity.
    • Patagonia is exploration (with values).
    • Volvo is safety.
    • Disney is magic.
    • Liquid Death is irreverence (as hydration).
    • Coca-Cola is classic happiness

    These brands don’t change their personality based on channel or audience. They don’t start over every fiscal year. They understand that repetition is recall. And even more? That consistency of expression results in clarity of perception.

    This is why the most successful brands promote their brand personality exponentially more than their individual products or offerings. They may evolve the language, but the feelings they convey remain the same. 

    They brand more—so they can market less.

    Let Personality Lead Your Institution’s Storytelling

    Higher education doesn’t lack feelings, that’s for sure. It’s just that our sector still doesn’t fully trust the public to embrace us. So we haven’t fully trusted the process that Capitol “B*” brands live by.

    Because our institutions already have personality. Plenty of it. Traditions. Beliefs. Attitudes. Tensions. Even mediocrities. The raw material is there. It just hasn’t been consistently expressed  through a clear higher ed storytelling strategy. And no, personality doesn’t have to be polished. It just has to be true.

    We don’t need to invent something when it comes to how we talk about ourselves. We need to reflect what already exists—boldly, honestly, consistently. Because when we do, something shifts:

    • We stop asking, “What can we say?” and start asking, “What do we actually believe?”
    • We stop chasing demographics and start aligning with motivations and values.
    • We stop sanding off our rough edges—and start owning them.

    Because people don’t choose the brands they consume based on age, income, and geography alone. That’s like saying people choose partners based on demographics. 

    I don’t know about you, but demographics and my parents’ household income had about the same influence on my college decision as they did in me falling in love with my wife. People choose to spend their time, and to devote their hearts, to people, places, and things that fit—culturally, emotionally, behaviorally—in ways that have nothing to do with actions, but everything to do with motivations.

    We act on motivations. Not manipulations. We identify with authenticity. We crave it. We desire belonging. And it is personality, not just personalized promotion or shallow segmentation strategies, that we understand intrinsically. A priori. Instinctually.

    So no, we don’t need to do a better job telling our story.

    We need to tell it with personality.

    Because when higher education leads with its authentic voice, it stops sounding like everyone else and starts sounding like itself.


    That’s the work we want to do with you. To help you uncover your institution’s authentic personality and express it with clarity and consistency.

    This is why we have formed Executive Brand Teams. These are senior, cross-disciplinary teams that bring together expertise in research, strategy, creative, and web. We engage from the very start and stay with you throughout, accountable for both the work and the outcomes. No silos. No handoffs. One cohesive team, helping you align around a single voice and show up as one institution, everywhere it matters. If that’s the kind of partnership you’re looking for, we’d welcome the conversation.

    Source link

  • Texas governor pauses new H-1B visas at public colleges

    Texas governor pauses new H-1B visas at public colleges

    This audio is auto-generated. Please let us know if you have feedback.

    Dive Brief:

    • Texas Gov. Greg Abbott on Tuesday ordered a pause on new H-1B visa applications from the state’s public colleges and agencies through May 2027. The governor cited unspecified “recent reports of abuse” in the federal program.
    • Under Abbott’s directive, public colleges and state agencies have until March 27 to report how many H-1B visa holders they sponsor, the job classifications and descriptions of those workers, the employees’ home countries, and the expected expiration date for each visa. 
    • The institutions must also share how many petitions they submitted in 2025 for new H-1B visas and renewals and demonstrate their “efforts to provide qualified Texas candidates with a reasonable opportunity to apply for each position filled by a H-1B visa holder,” Abbott said.

    Dive Insight:

    Abbott’s order could cause upheaval for Texas’ higher education sector, as large research universities — such as the University of Texas at Austin and Texas A&M University — rely on H-1B visas to hire international scholars. The federal H-1B visa program allows U.S. employers to hire foreign workers with strong educational backgrounds for specialized jobs on a temporary basis. 

    But President Donald Trump threw the program into a tail spin last year when he issued a proclamation imposing a $100,000 fee on new petitions for H-1B visas. Employers had historically paid between $2,000 and $5,000 for such petitions, according to the American Immigration Council. 

    Abbott on Tuesday cited Trump’s proclamation in his letter to the heads of Texas’ state agencies and echoed the president’s allegations of rampant H-1B visa abuse.

    “Rather than serving its intended purpose of attracting the best and brightest individuals from around the world to our nation to fill truly specialized and unmet labor needs, the program has too often been used to fill jobs that otherwise could — and should — have been filled by Texans,” Abbott said.

    Texas is home to seven university systems and dozens of research institutions. 

    In fiscal 2025, UT-Austin sponsored 169 H-1B workers, per federal data. The university has roughly 20,000 employees overall, according to institutional data. Texas A&M, which employs over 26,000 people, sponsored 214 H-1B workers the same year.

    Three days before Abbott publicly implemented the visa pause, he required the leaders of Texas A&M’s 12 campuses to submit the names of all H-1B visa-holding employees, according to internal emails obtained by the Quorum Report, an outlet covering Texas politics.

    The Texas Workforce Commission, a state agency, will issue guidance to carry out the pause, Abbott said Tuesday. Public colleges and other employers can seek written permission from the commission for exemptions.

    During the pause, Texas and federal lawmakers should establish “statutory guardrails for future employment practices,” Abbott said. He also called on the Trump administration to “implement reforms aimed at eliminating abuse of this visa program.”

    Public universities in Florida could soon face a similar pause on H-1B visa applications. The State University System of Florida’s governing board on Thursday plans to consider a new visa pause until next January, following a directive from Gov. Ron DeSantis to “crack down on H-1B Visa abuse in higher education.”

    Neither Abbott nor DeSantis cited specific studies of the H-1B program or examples of it being used to hire international workers over qualified U.S. citizens. However, participants in the decades-old program have faced plenty of criticism in recent years.

    In 2020, research from the Economic Policy Institute found that 60% of H-1B positions in fiscal 2019 approved by the U.S. Department of Labor paid less than the regional median wage. It also noted instances of companies like Uber increasing H-1B hiring while simultaneously laying off U.S. workers.

    The U.S. Department of Homeland Security in 2023 launched H-1B fraud investigations when it found that some employers sought to game the program’s lottery by submitting the same prospective employee multiple times.

    More recent research from EPI has also alleged that major private companies were mistreating H-1B workers who were working as subcontractors by paying them low wages.

    Source link

  • Facing mass protests, Iran relies on familiar tools of state violence and internet blackouts

    Facing mass protests, Iran relies on familiar tools of state violence and internet blackouts

    FIRE’s Free Speech Dispatch covers new and continuing censorship trends and challenges around the world. Our goal is to help readers better understand the global context of free expression. Want to make sure you don’t miss an update? Sign up for our newsletter.

    Iran escalates repression as protests spread nationwide

    A familiar pattern of state repression has unfolded as mass protests spread in Iran.  Authorities escalated their response through lethal force, mass arrests, communication blackouts, and the threat of executions. Demonstrations that began in late December over inflation and a collapsing currency quickly evolved into nationwide protests challenging the rule of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei more broadly. Death tolls are as of yet unclear, with different sources reporting numbers so far in the range from 6,000 to 12,000 to 30,000, and the exact number will likely be difficult to discern given widespread censorship. Security forces have also conducted thousands of arrests across all provinces. 

    As unrest intensified, Iran imposed a near-total internet shutdown, cutting off roughly 90% of connectivity while preserving selective access for government officials and state-linked platforms. The blackouts, combined with fast-track trials and the possible use of capital punishment (including in the case of detained protester Erfan Soltani), may continue to oppress the Iranian people for some time.

    Online speech is powerful. That’s why Iran is silencing it.

    Iran is killing protesters and cutting the internet to hide it. Censorship spreads globally—and democracies are flirting with dangerous tools.


    Read More

    Uganda employed similar tactics. Authorities cut nationwide internet access days before a presidential election this month, citing “misinformation” concerns as Yoweri Museveni sought a seventh term. The shutdown, which disrupted mobile money systems and opposition organizing, mirrors a broader global trend in which governments leverage digital control, emergency powers, and legal threats to contain political opposition at moments of vulnerability; often at the expense of free expression and public accountability. 

    Australia expands hate speech powers and counter-extremism laws after Bondi attack

    Australia is moving forward with plans to significantly expand hate speech and counter-extremism laws following the Bondi Beach mass shooting, pledging tougher penalties, new criminal offenses, expanded visa cancellation powers, and a framework to target what it deems extremist organizations. 

    In legislation that passed last week, the government now has new powers to “list so-called hate groups, more easily deport or cancel the visas of individuals associated with hate groups, increase penalties for hate crime offences, and create new aggravated penalties for hate preachers and leaders who advocate violence.” It also includes a “new aggravated offence for adults who seek to radicalise children.” A provision addressing “promotion or incitement of racial hatred” was ultimately dropped from the legislation. 

    Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke said Australia’s leadership “would have liked the laws to be even stronger,” but has nevertheless passed “the strongest hate laws Australia’s ever had.” The Greens, a left-wing political party, objected to the legislation on the basis that it would “silence legitimate criticism of foreign nations undertaking human rights abuses.” Attorney General Michelle Rowland did not make clear every group that would be targeted, though she listed the National Socialist Network and Hizb ut-Tahrir, but said “there are a number of other factors that would need to be satisfied” other than accusations that Israel is committing genocide. The bill’s many critics, however, remain unconvinced. 

    After the Dec. 14 Bondi Beach mass shooting that killed 15 people during a Hanukkah celebration, New South Wales leaders also moved to tighten laws on hate speech, protests, and firearms, including a push to ban “globalize the intifada” chants. Indeed, a 53-year-old woman was detained in Sydney this month for wearing a jacket reading “globalise the intifada.” She alleges that she was wrongly arrested, and that police claimed the slogan was unlawful — but could not cite any specific law. She was released without charge.

    UK also looks to crack down on chants it deems antisemitic

    In the United Kingdom, Britain’s two largest police forces, the Metropolitan Police Service and Greater Manchester Police, announced a more assertive approach to policing antisemitism during protests. Officials plan to make arrests over certain chants and slogans, like “globalize the intifada,” that they say cause “increased fear in Jewish communities,” even if those chants have previously fallen short of prosecution thresholds. 

    UK police’s speech-chilling practice of tracking ‘non-crime hate incidents’

    With complete disregard for free speech, since 2014 U.K. police have kept a database of people whose speech is perceived as ‘motivated by a hostility’ to race, gender, or other protected categories.


    Read More

    But in other news, UK police leaders are advocating scrapping most non-crime hate incidents, arguing that the system has expanded too far and drawn officers into monitoring online disputes that do not meet the threshold for criminal behavior. FIRE has repeatedly raised concerns about the chilling effects of sending police to investigate legal speech, not crime — and recent incidents in Miami Beach and Perry County, Tennessee show that we should be worried about this policing of online speech here in the United States too.

    Religious speech, blasphemy, and buffer zones

    • A retired Northern Ireland pastor, Clive Johnston, will stand trial on charges that he violated abortion buffer zone laws by preaching a gospel sermon near Causeway Hospital in Coleraine. The UK’s buffer zone laws have been under scrutiny from anti-abortion activists including Rose Docherty, arrested last year for holding a sign that read “Coercion is a crime, here to talk, only if you want” outside Queen Elizabeth University Hospital.
    • In Poland, the justice ministry plans to amend its blasphemy laws so that people convicted of “offending religious feelings” can no longer be sentenced to prison, following a European Court of Human Rights ruling that the law violated free expression. The proposal would keep the offence but limit penalties to fines or community service. More reform is needed, but it’s nevertheless a positive development for free speech.
    • Elsewhere, blasphemy laws continue to be enforced harshly. A Pakistani court in Chiniot sentenced an Ahmadi community member to life imprisonment under blasphemy statutes, alongside a concurrent three-year sentence, over alleged altered Quran translations.
    • And in Bangladesh, a Hindu factory worker, Dipu Chandra Das, was lynched and set on fire following blasphemy allegations. A rights group documented 71 blasphemy-linked incidents targeting Hindus in Bangladesh between June and December 2025, involving arrests, mob violence, vandalism and multiple deaths. 

    Los Angeles Chinese Consulate guard maces protesters

    In Los Angeles, a security guard hired by the Chinese Consulate was arrested after pepper-spraying pro-democracy protesters who were peacefully demonstrating to celebrate the U.S. capture of Nicolás Maduro. One of the men, who required medical attention, said the guard asked him, “Are you enjoying it?,” after spraying him. 

    Hong Kong’s pervasive censorship silences film, too

    In Hong Kong, authorities banned the latest film by director Kiwi Chow, citing national security concerns. Chow said the film was a fictional thriller and not explicitly political, but believes his past work placed him under heightened scrutiny. The government “determined that it was ‘contrary to the interests of national security’… But how?” Chow said. “Nobody gave an explanation,”

    Separately, four films were removed from the Hong Kong Film Award’s contenders list without explanation, despite appearing to meet eligibility rules. Industry figures suspect the exclusions may be linked to politically sensitive cast or crew members, raising further censorship concerns.

    Europe promises new app W as competitor to X

    European-led social media platform W was previewed last week at the World Economic Forum in Davos to address the “urgent need for a new social media platform built, governed and hosted in Europe” with “verification, free speech and data privacy at its core.” As our FIRE colleagues Greg Lukianoff and Adam Goldstein have pointed out, if “W is meant as just another alternative to X, and Europeans are free to use either platform as they see fit, then W might merely be a bad idea: a platform seemingly designed solely to comply with a complex array of European nations’ terrible free speech laws, each one more restrictive than the last.” 

    Don’t be too tempted by Europe’s plan to fix social media

    The Digital Services Act will essentially oblige Big Tech to act as a privatized censor on behalf of governments — censors who will enjoy wide discretion under vague and subjective standards.


    Read More

    But given the threats to ban X and other regulation of social media platforms, there is a risk this will not compete, but dominate. And “given how willing European states are to jail their citizens for online speech, users should be cautious about speaking on a platform where anonymity is impossible.”

    Pressure on the media, from South Korea to Venezuela

    • South Korea’s National Assembly passed legislation allowing courts to impose heavy punitive damages on news outlets and large online platforms for disseminating “false or fabricated information,” despite warnings from journalists groups that the law could enable censorship. Supporters in President Lee Jae Myung’s Democratic Party say the bill is needed to combat disinformation, but critics argue its vague standards and steep penalties risk chilling investigative reporting and criticism of those in power.
    • A report by Free Speech Collective documented 14,875 instances of free speech violations in India in 2025, including 117 arrests, widespread censorship, internet shutdowns, and the killing of eight journalists. The study said journalists were disproportionately targeted through arrests, harassment, legal action, and violence, while raising concerns about expanding state and regulatory controls over media academia, online platforms, and film certification.
    • In Venezuela, at least 14 journalists were detained after the removal of Nicolás Maduro, with authorities confiscating phones and equipment and restricting reporting, though most were later released. Press groups warned the actions reflect a broader pattern of intimidation and criminalization of journalism under charges often used to suppress independent media. 

    Online speech, platforms, and youth access

    • Roblox now requires users worldwide to verify their age through facial or ID checks to access chat features. Unverified users may still play but cannot chat.
    • The dominoes from Australia’s ground-breaking — and troubling — social media age-gating law continue to fall. Now France is proposing a ban on social media access for children under 15 by September, backed by President Emmanuel Macron, citing risks such as exposure to “inappropriate content,” cyberbullying, and disrupted sleep.
    • In its submission to a consultation for UK regulator Ofcom, Google warned new proposed measures to the Online Safety Act risked encroaching on users’ free speech. (Now where would Google get that idea…) Among the proposals were requirements for platforms to monitor and possibly hide “potentially” illegal content.

    10 sentenced for ‘cyberbullying’ the first lady of France

    A Paris court found 10 people guilty of cyberbullying France’s first lady for online posts “suggesting that Brigitte Macron was transgender and a pedophile.” One defendant received a six-month prison sentence (which may be served at home), others got suspended sentences, and all were ordered to attend cyberbullying awareness training and pay damages. Macron’s lawyer said of the sentencing, “what is important is that there are immediate cyberbullying awareness trainings, and for some of the defendants, a ban on using their social media accounts.”

    Hate speech laws expand in India

    Lawmakers in the Indian state of Karnataka have passed a bill criminalizing hate speech — expression “causing disharmony or enmity” — with penalties including fines and prison sentences of up to seven years. An opponent of the bill accused Karnataka’s government of “taking away people’s right to speech guaranteed by the constitution, and putting leaders of opposition and the media behind bars.”

    Source link

  • Scotland orders sector-wide assessment review after Glasgow QAA findings

    Scotland orders sector-wide assessment review after Glasgow QAA findings

    Ethan Brown was a 23-year-old geography student who died by suicide on what should have been his graduation day.

    Three months prior, the University of Glasgow had “wrongly informed him that he did not have the necessary credits to graduate.”

    The case has prompted the first Targeted Peer Review report to be published under Scotland’s Quality Concerns Scheme. The QAA’s report makes for difficult reading – and goes beyond framings that emphasise the individual tragedy in the case.

    The review did not cover the individual circumstances of Ethan’s death – that’s a matter for the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service, to whom QAA has passed its report.

    Instead, the four-person peer review team, including a student reviewer, spent September to November 2025 examining whether the errors that led to a student being given the wrong outcome were isolated or systemic.

    Their conclusion is unambiguous – the University of Glasgow’s assessment framework poses “systemic risks” to both academic standards and the quality of the student experience.

    That phrase – “systemic risk to academic standards” – appears at least a dozen times across the report’s 27 pages. For an agency that operates within Scotland’s enhancement-led model, that is unusually direct language.

    Quality in Scotland tends toward enhancement – developmental recommendations and collaborative improvement. This report reads differently.

    The university has fully accepted the recommendations made in the review and says it will implement the recommendations through a comprehensive plan that builds on current change projects.

    But the Scottish Funding Council’s response – commissioning QAA to conduct a national review of assessment policies across all Scottish institutions – suggests the regulator shares the concern that this may not be a Glasgow-specific problem.

    Systemic

    The story begins in February 2025, when Glasgow’s own internal investigation into the School of Geographical and Earth Sciences identified what it explicitly called a “systemic problem” in following the university’s assessment regulations.

    Concerns were raised relating to the consistency and operation of assessment regulations, and an internal investigation found issues with the complexity and application of those regulations – prompting a self-referral to the Scottish Funding Council.

    The internal investigation’s findings, as summarised in the QAA report, describe fragmented practice across multiple fronts.

    Exam boards were maladministered, with a lack of clarity in minute-taking. Communication with students at risk of not graduating was poor or unclear. Multiple methods existed for handling extension requests, including the Good Cause Policy, with little consistency between them.

    Individual professional services staff were carrying too much of the load on extensions and student communication, with inadequate backup. Record-keeping was weak, with no coherent system for managing individual student cases. And a perception had developed – whether accurate or not – that students were responsible for chasing up their own cases if they hadn’t heard back.

    The error that affected Ethan Brown was not spotted by any university staff, nor by two internal exam boards, nor by an external exam board. He should have graduated with a 2:1 Honours degree. Layers of oversight that are usually designed in part to catch this kind of mistake did not.

    For this review, then, the implications go wider than the tragedy – and into wider questions surrounding processes, standards and academic governance.

    Eighteen spreadsheets

    If there’s one detail that captures the governance failure, it’s that at the time of the QAA visit, 18 different spreadsheet formats were in operation across the university for calculating programme-level degree outcomes.

    These weren’t variations on a theme – they were 18 distinct calculation platforms, locally owned and maintained by individual schools, with no central oversight of what was being used where.

    A course aggregation tool has been in development since September 2024, intended to automate calculations and replace this patchwork of local spreadsheets. The target was 86 per cent adoption by semester 1 of 2025-26. The reality at the time of the TPR visit? 17.6 per cent – roughly 800 of the university’s approximately 4,500 courses.

    Programme-level aggregation – the calculation that determines final degree classification – remains entirely manual, relying on those varied local spreadsheets. The QAA team was told about a standardised template called U-PAS (Universal Programme Aggregation Spreadsheet) that had supposedly been adopted across two colleges.

    But the story shifted during the review. First it was standard in two colleges. Then it was standard in one college and one school in another. Then, following the visit, it emerged that U-PAS is actually in operation in six schools across two colleges. A different but standardised spreadsheet is used across another college’s eight schools. The rest? Various local arrangements.

    Paragraph 67 explains:

    The TPR team considers the fact that the University struggled to establish exactly which spreadsheets were in use and where over the period of this TPR to be indicative of the lack of institutional oversight and awareness previously taken in this area.

    The institution did not know its own assessment infrastructure.

    75 per cent

    Glasgow’s assessment regulations include what’s known as the “75 per cent rule” – a provision allowing credit to be awarded when a student has completed 75 per cent of summative assessment.

    The mechanics are complex and differ between honours and non-honours programmes, but the problem is simple enough – there is no formal mechanism guaranteeing that all intended learning outcomes have been demonstrated at the point that credit is awarded.

    The QAA team found:

    …no evidence of sampled traces that follow outcomes from specification to assessed work and then to exam board decisions.

    Where the 75 per cent rule is applied, a student can progress or receive an award without demonstrating performance across the full set of assessed learning outcomes. The report concludes that this “signifies a systemic risk to academic standards” and endorses the university’s plan to remove the rule as part of its regulation simplification programme.

    The rule presumably exists because flexibility was thought necessary – perhaps for students with legitimate reasons for non-completion, or because some disciplines argued their assessment patterns required it.

    But without a mechanism to ensure ILOs are actually met, flexibility becomes a gap in assurance. How many other institutions have similar disconnects between what degree classification is supposed to certify and what it actually guarantees?

    Meanwhile the previous “Good Cause” policy – the process for students to report extenuating circumstances – had been under review since 2021. Students who met with the QAA team reported that several student representatives had sought reform as part of their manifestos, “signifying this as a key priority for the student body.”

    The challenges were known – inconsistent application across schools, each programme operating its own Good Cause Committee, fragmented digital infrastructure, potential for single points of failure, and complex evidence requirements.

    The new Extenuating Circumstances Policy, which went live on 15 September 2025, takes a fundamentally different approach. Stage 1 is centrally managed with a wellbeing focus – Student Support Officers triage claims within 24 hours, assess seriousness, and connect students with support or escalate to safeguarding. Stage 2 – due from semester 2 of 2025-26 – involves locally managed academic decisions on outcomes like resits or extensions.

    Implementation was accelerated following the internal investigation. Staff who met with the QAA team expressed concern about the rapid pace, with some issues arising as a result, though they expressed confidence these would be addressed. The report notes, with characteristic understatement, that:

    …the implementation timeline may have been longer had the internal investigation not occurred.

    Policy lag is not unique to Glasgow, of course. The Enhancement-Led Institutional Reviews in 2014 and 2019 both made recommendations about consistency in exam boards around the use of discretion. The university removed discretion in 2021, and Good Cause had been under active review since 2021 – but some will now argue that it took a death to accelerate the timeline. How many other long-standing issues are sitting in committee cycles across the sector, awaiting a crisis to force action?

    On the job

    Assessment Officers and external examiners who met with the QAA team reported “limited or no formal training” on the Code of Assessment, and described reliance on local briefing and practice. Student-facing and support staff said that familiarity with the Code of Assessment is often “on-the-job rather than through mandatory training.”

    Glasgow confirmed that there’s no institutional record of training on the Code of Assessment. Guidance exists – for Assessment Officers, for Chairs of Boards of Examiners – but there’s no single view demonstrating comprehensive training coverage by role, and no routine monitoring of whether the standard minutes template is actually being used. The template itself, notably, is available but not compulsory.

    The report recommends, “as a matter of urgency and before the next assessment diet,” a standardised mandatory cyclical training programme. Training must be mandatory for Assessment Officers, exam board Chairs, and key administrators, with a process to confirm and monitor completion. The sense is that this is basic governance infrastructure that shouldn’t require external intervention to establish.

    The most difficult section of the report concerns what remains unresolved. Following the internal investigation, the university undertook additional analysis specifically in the School of Geographical and Earth Sciences (GES) – examining the rules around progression from junior to senior honours since 2021-22.

    At the time of the QAA visit, this analysis had checked more than 700 student records and confirmed two students with mistaken outcomes, with a further five students requiring investigation before confirmation.

    Critically, the QAA team confirmed with the university that no similar checks had been made in any of the other 23 schools. The university’s position was that an assessment had been made on risk, and GES was the only “high risk” school identified.

    The report notes that to carry out a whole-institution check of this nature would be a “huge task” – but also records that staff mentioned ongoing consideration of expanding the scope of the analysis beyond the School of GES to the whole institution.

    Even for those relying on risk-based sampling, Paragraph 69 is pointed:

    Given that this analysis was incomplete at the time of the TPR visit (and therefore could not be scrutinised by the TPR team), the extent to which past, present and future awards are affected is unknown.

    But we’re different

    There’s a thread running through the report about the balance between institutional standardisation and school-level delegation – a tension familiar to anyone working in a large university with collegiate or distributed structures.

    It’s typically framed as a debate about protecting academic standards. Schools or departments argue for local control precisely because they understand their disciplines best – chemistry assessment differs from history, professional body requirements vary, pedagogic traditions are specific. Autonomy is defended as the guarantor of subject-level rigour.

    But this story Glasgow inverts the logic. In this case, the distributed model didn’t protect standards – it undermined them. The 18 spreadsheets weren’t expressions of disciplinary distinctiveness – they became an absence of institutional responsibility.

    External examiners couldn’t provide the check because they were working within school-level silos rather than against an institutional standard. The thing rhetorically positioned as safeguarding academic standards became the systemic risk to them.

    Senior staff told the QAA team that the university is:

    …committed to finding the right balance between total standardisation and total delegation, with a shift to greater standardisation (and sometimes total standardisation) where University practice has drifted out of line with sector norms.

    Examples were given where established delegated practices had been replaced with greater standardisation “with little concern among staff in recent years” – including the removal of discretion from exam boards and work on UKVI processes.

    The team recommends that the university develops an approach to policy and process implementation that strikes an “appropriate balance” between complete standardisation across the university, and complete delegation to school level – with identified principles to be followed in arriving at an implementation plan for each policy.

    For me, this is essentially asking – where does legitimate disciplinary variation end and institutional abdication begin? It’s a question that could usefully be posed well beyond Glasgow.

    From a student perspective

    What does all the fragmentation actually look like from the student end? The report offers some telling details. Multiple students told the QAA team they found calculating their Grade Point Average “challenging” – unsurprisingly, given there’s no central system to help them do it.

    Student support staff in one college reported that students regularly seek advice on grade calculations, and that they have to tell them they’re “not Assessment Officers” and therefore “are not confident confirming if calculations they make for students are correct.”

    Staff and SRC Student Advice Centre representatives both identified grade calculation as the most common area of student confusion. The Code of Assessment is, recall, written primarily for staff – and even they can’t reliably interpret it.

    Handbooks are supposed to bridge this gap, but their production is delegated to schools and programmes. Practice varies wildly – some are comprehensive student guides, others focus on assessment only, some exist at course level. Staff who met with the QAA team were unaware of any central guidance on what should be in them, and noted that course administrators often have responsibility for updates.

    The risk, which the report flags, is that handbooks contain outdated information or omit valuable guidance on support services. Links to central webpages are intended to keep things current – but without oversight, nobody’s checking.

    Then there’s how the university actually talks to students. The report devotes a section to “compassionate communication”, which is supposed to involve clear, empathetic, timely messaging aligned with values of kindness and respect.

    Following the internal investigation, Glasgow delivered targeted training to staff with Board of Examiners responsibilities in the School of GES in March 2025. But the QAA team “found no evidence of the extent of coverage, frequency, or scope beyond this school.”

    Staff reported limited awareness and highlighted “the absence of a shared standard.” Students, meanwhile, described university correspondence as generally helpful but sometimes “daunting” and “strong in tone.”

    Finance-related communications were flagged as a particular problem, with the Wellbeing Team observing the knock-on impact on students.

    What’s next

    Glasgow now has to submit an action plan within four weeks covering all 21 recommendations. It will be subject to additional institutional liaison meetings in 2025-26 and 2026-27 to monitor progress, and its next external peer review – the Tertiary Quality Enhancement Review – has been brought forward by a year to 2027-28.

    More significantly for the sector, the Scottish Funding Council has commissioned QAA to conduct a national review of assessment and associated policies and procedures across all Scottish institutions.

    The scope and timeline for this review have not yet been announced, but the implication is clear – if Glasgow’s distributed governance model created these risks, how confident can we be that similar arrangements elsewhere are functioning effectively?

    Every Scottish institution with devolved academic governance should be asking itself some uncomfortable questions. Do we know what spreadsheets are being used for degree classification calculations? Is training on assessment regulations mandatory and tracked? Are external examiner themes being synthesised and actioned systematically? Can we demonstrate that intended learning outcomes are met at the point of credit award? What would a similar review find here?

    For institutions elsewhere, the read-across is less direct but still relevant. In England, for example, OfS’ B conditions cover academic standards, and there has been ongoing work on degree outcome statements and classification algorithms. The core problem Glasgow faced – complexity in regulations, variability in interpretation and reliance on individual competence without systematic training or oversight – is not unique to Scottish HE governance.

    The QAA team notes that Glasgow’s Code of Assessment is “long, dense and complex, which staff find difficult to interpret consistently.” That’s not an unusual description of academic regulations anywhere in the UK.

    The question is whether institutions have the oversight mechanisms to detect when complexity becomes a systemic risk – and whether the rhetoric of disciplinary autonomy is being used to defend standards – or to avoid the hard work of assuring them.

    As I say, this was not a review into the death of Ethan Brown. But his mother, Tracy Scott, says she feels the findings of the report:

    …support the family’s concerns at the level of incompetence within the University of Glasgow, which they feel places students at serious risk.

    To the extent to which the issues in the report touch on the case, and the wider debate about duty of care, I’d finally observe that there’s a tendency to focus on the behaviours of individuals in that debate.

    But this review also reminds us that poor systems can be both a contributor to tragedy, and a legitimate potential concern for those who reasonably expect the university they are in contract with to take steps to avoid foreseeable harm.

    =====

    A University of Glasgow spokesperson said:

    Following an internal investigation into assessment regulations, the University self-referred to the Scottish Funding Council.

    The University fully accepts the recommendations subsequently made by the QAA Peer Review and the risks it identifies.

    Since February 2025, we have worked to address the issues highlighted in the internal investigation and will implement the recommendations of the QAA review through a comprehensive plan that builds on current change projects.

    Source link

  • Unsealed records reveal officials targeted Khalil, Ozturk, Mahdawi solely for protected speech

    Unsealed records reveal officials targeted Khalil, Ozturk, Mahdawi solely for protected speech

    For months, the Trump administration has tried to justify its targeting of prominent pro-Palestinian activists like Mahmoud Khalil, Rumeysa Ozturk, and Moshen Mahdawi by insinuating that the reasons for their pending deportation went beyond mere speech. But newly unsealed records confirm the Trump administration’s legal basis for targeting these individuals was never unlawful conduct. Instead, the administration targeted them solely for protected speech — and expected a First Amendment fight from the start. 

    The government cast these cases as responses to unlawful conduct, but they actually rest on protected speech

    On March 8, 2025, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained Columbia graduate student Mahmoud Khalil, a lawful permanent resident and vocal pro-Palestine advocate. Rather than charging Khalil with a crime, the Trump administration attempted to deport him based on a pair of seldom-used provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act, Section 1227(a)(4)(C) and Section 1182(a)(3)(C). Together, these provisions authorize the Secretary of State to render a noncitizen deportable if he “personally determines” the person’s “lawful” activities are compromising a “compelling foreign policy interest.” 

    FIRE is currently challenging this provision in court on First Amendment grounds because it allows the government to turn lawful expression into a deportable offense. The INA already has provisions enabling immigration authorities to take action if a noncitizen actually engages in terrorism or provides material support to terrorist groups. The administration relied on none of them with Khalil, clinging only to the provision covering “lawful” activities. That speaks volumes.

    Unsealed documents confirm the administration targeted Khalil for protected speech

    When the administration defended its targeting of Khalil in the media, officials hinted there was something more than his pro-Palestine opinions driving their decision. For example, DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin claimed that “Khalil led activities aligned to Hamas, a designated terrorist organization.” Rubio, after Khalil’s initial arrest, pledged he was using his INA power to go after “Hamas supporters in America.” These comments insinuated that the administration was relying on something more than Khalil’s protected political advocacy to target his immigration status. 

    It wasn’t. The unsealed records reveal that administration officials’ private assessment was that Khalil’s actions were lawful speech. He was, according to Senior Officer of the Bureau of Consular Affairs John Armstrong, “involved in numerous pro-Palestinian protests, including serving as the lead negotiator of an encampment at Columbia in April 2024.” Another file claims that Khalil participated in “antisemitic protests.” 

    In defense of fiery words

    In the wake of political violence, calls to criminalize rhetoric are growing louder. But Brandenburg v. Ohio set the bar — and it’s a high one.


    Read More

    Conspicuously absent from the records was any assessment Khalil engaged in conduct falling outside the First Amendment’s protection. Though the documents insinuated a tie between Khalil and the occupation of Barnard’s library, they do not actually allege Khalil was involved in the occupation. Likewise, officials note in one unsealed record that they “are not aware of any prior arrests or citations for Khalil regarding unlawful activity.” 

    Officials also admit that, aside from the provision allowing Secretary Rubio to render someone deportable for “lawful” activities, they haven’t “identified any alternative grounds for removability that would be applicable,” such as the provision allowing for the “removability for aliens who have provided material support to a foreign terrorist organization or terrorist activity.” In other words, without anything else to justify his deportation, the administration had to hang its actions on Khalil’s speech.

    Officials admitted they targeted Ozturk based solely on an op-ed

    Nineteen days after Khalil’s arrest, masked federal agents ambushed pro-Palestinian Tufts University student Rumeysa Ozturk, a Turkish citizen with an F-1 student visa, on the streets of Boston. Agents threw Ozturk into a van and transported her thousands of miles to a remote Louisiana detention facility. Unbeknownst to Ozturk, DHS had revoked her visa days prior without telling her. 

    To revoke Ozturk’s visa, the administration relied on an INA provision allowing the Secretary of State to “at any time, in his discretion” revoke a visa. The provision contains no language prohibiting a visa revocation from being predicated upon the holder’s protected speech. FIRE’s lawsuit challenges this provision, too, arguing that it violates the First Amendment to the extent it authorizes a visa revocation based on protected speech.

    Detaining Öztürk over an op-ed is unlawful and un-American

    A Tufts international student’s detention for writing an op-ed revives the ghost of the Alien Acts and puts the First Amendment at risk.


    Read More

    The government’s public-facing comments about Ozturk mirror those about Khalil, implying evidence of unlawful conduct but providing evidence of none. McLaughlin alleged that “investigations found Ozturk engaged in activities in support of Hamas, a foreign terrorist organization that relishes the killing of Americans.” But the unsealed records show officials acknowledged Ozturk’s visa revocation was based solely on her co-authorship of an op-ed in Tufts’ student newspaper. The op-ed criticized the university’s reluctance to divest from Israeli companies or call Israel’s operations in Gaza a “genocide.” 

    One record, a memo from Armstrong to ICE officials, suggested Ozturk was involved in “associations… that may undermine U.S. foreign policy.” The association in question? Tufts’ Students for Justice in Palestine chapter, which was on suspended status. But the unsealed records reveal the only connective tissue between Ozturk and SJP is the fact that an SJP representative co-signed the op-ed with an organization Ozturk belonged to. The documents reveal no membership, role, coordination, or concrete conduct linking Ozturk to the group. In fact, the records expressly acknowledge that officials had no basis to believe Ozturk was involved in any way with the events leading to SJP’s suspension.

    Plus, even if the “association” were deeper than a co-signature, the First Amendment protects association just as it protects speech. So no matter how the administration slices it, they ambushed, transported, and now are attempting to deport Ozturk for protected expression. 

    The unsealed records confirm the administration has no evidence Mahdawi engaged in unlawful conduct 

    The Trump administration is also attempting to deport Mohsen Mahdawi, a Columbia University student who has been a lawful permanent resident for over a decade. Mahdawi, like Khalil, was involved in protests at Columbia. When Mahdawi arrived at a Vermont USCIS office to complete one of the final steps in his citizenship process, ICE arrested him on the spot. 

    As with Khalil and Ozturk, the government’s public framing implied actions beyond protected speech. In an official DHS post styled as “THE REAL STORY,” the agency attempted to style Mahdawi as a “terrorist sympathizer and national security threat.” 

    But one unsealed record reveals that Mahdawi’s alleged “conduct” is that he led “pro-Palestinian protests” and “call[ed] for Israel’s destruction.” As FIRE has explained, this is expressive activity protected by the First Amendment. The records also revealed the government targeted Mahdawi because of a pro-Palestinian poem he wrote.

    Protesting, chants, and poems are textbook protected speech. Tellingly, the Trump administration acknowledges in the unsealed records that a “search of interagency databases on March 14 did not reveal any record indicating that the interagency currently assesses that Mahdawi has links to terrorism.” As with Khalil, another record states, “DHS/ICE/HSI has not identified any alternative grounds of removability applicable to Mahdawi, including any indication that Mahdawi has provided material support to a foreign terrorist organization or terrorist activity, as defined in the INA.” Unsurprisingly, then, the administration was again forced to rely on the “foreign policy” provision to target Mahdawi, the one triggered solely by “lawful” activities that FIRE is now challenging.

    The administration anticipated First Amendment challenges to its unprecedented assertion of immigration power

    The government’s interpretation of these two INA provisions as a blank check to target noncitizens based on protected speech is unprecedented. One of the unsealed records, a March 8, 2025 memo from Armstrong to Rubio, is illustrative. In the memo, Armstrong cautioned that “We are not aware of any prior exercises of the Secretary’s removal authority in INA section 237(a)(4)(C) … [and] courts may scrutinize the basis for these determinations.” 

    The administration also anticipated First Amendment risk to its theory. In a March 15, 2025 memo from Armstrong to Rubio, Armstrong wrote: “Given the potential that a court may consider [Mahdawi’s] actions inextricably tied to speech protected under the First Amendment, it is likely that courts will closely scrutinize the basis for this determination. We understand that Khalil intends to seek an injunction… and we could anticipate Mahdawi to do the same.” 

    So to Speak Podcast Transcript: On Mahmoud Khalil

    First Amendment lawyer Marc Randazza and immigration lawyer Jeffrey Rubin join the show to discuss the arrest, detention, and possible deportation of green card holder Mahmoud Khalil.


    Read More

    If the government’s decision to target Khalil, Ozturk, and Mahdawi were actually based on evidence that they were involved in terrorism, the proof would be in the pudding. They’d proceed under the INA’s settled provisions related to material support for terrorism. Instead, they’re relying on broad, discretionless grants of power to revoke a visa for “any” reason and a statute solely confined to “lawful” activities. 

    But the First Amendment stands tall in the United States and prohibits the government from retaliating against you because of what you have to say. The Supreme Court held in 1945 that that protection remains intact regardless of your immigration status. It is thus unsurprising that the government anticipated First Amendment challenges from the start. 

    That anticipation was prescient. In late September 2025, a federal district court held that the administration’s targeting of noncitizens for deportation based on protected speech violated the First Amendment. These unsealed records, released with the final judgment of that case, confirm that, despite the administration’s attempted winks and head-fakes to the contrary, targeting Khalil, Ozturk, and Mahdawi has always been predicated solely on their protected speech. 

    And that, as FIRE has repeatedly explained, violates the First Amendment. 

    Source link

  • Fighting back against Texas’ wave of censorship

    Fighting back against Texas’ wave of censorship

    The chill in the air on Texas’ campuses isn’t just the winter storm sweeping the nation. The state’s public university systems have taken aim at faculty course materials that touch on the topics of race and gender, imposing a system of effective prior review that gives administrators carte blanche to excise course material they don’t like or think will pose political problems. At Texas A&M University alone, administrators have canceled or interfered with approximately 200 courses.

    Now faculty and students are fighting back. On Jan. 29, they’re holding a protest on the College Station campus and circulating a petition to drum up public support for faculty academic freedom rights — and the ability of students in Texas to receive a comprehensive education. 

    The petition, organized by the American Association of University Professors, urges Texas A&M to “abandon its policy of censorship and prioritize a high-quality education for its students.” The petition comes on the heels of a press conference late last week at which faculty and students aired grievances about A&M’s censorship of course content. 

    Texas A&M board to vote on sweeping classroom censorship proposal

    Texas A&M may hand presidents power to veto what professors teach. That’s not education — it’s censorship. FIRE urges the board to reject it.


    Read More

    FIRE has launched a new webpage devoted to Texas faculty censorship issues across the university systems. The webpage explains the timeline that led to this point, highlights two cases that have received significant public attention, and provides a link for faculty to reach out to FIRE with other cases of administrative censorship.

    Two high-profile faculty draw attention to censorship absurdities

    Not long after the new year, Martin Peterson’s situation drew significant public attention to the inherent absurdity of heavy-handed administrative interference in course materials. Administrators presented Peterson, an A&M philosophy professor, with a choice: He could either remove readings by the philosopher Plato from his course on…introductory philosophy, , or he could accept a reassignment to teach a different class.

    Specifically, Texas A&M told Peterson he could “mitigate” his course content by “remov[ing] the modules on race ideology and gender ideology, and the Plato readings that may include these.” Only six weeks after the TAMU board announced that campus leaders would dictate to professors what they could or could not include in their classes, Plato, one of the foundational figures of Western philosophy, couldn’t be included because Plato’s work could touch on topics that ran afoul of Texas state ordinances targeting disfavored ideas.

    At the same time, Leonard Bright, a professor in A&M’s Bush School of Government and Public Service, had his graduate-level ethics course canceled after pushing back against university officials’ orders to submit his course materials that touch on race and gender for review. He argued that these topics were threaded integrally throughout the course, and added that given the nature of his teaching, he could not comply with a university order to specify what specific topics he would cover on individual days. University officials said that because Bright hadn’t supplied the course materials for review, they canceled his class. 

    VICTORY: Federal court blocks Texas A&M’s unconstitutional drag ban

    A federal judge upheld the First Amendment rights of a Texas A&M student group by blocking an attempt by officials to ban the group’s upcoming drag show “Draggieland”


    Read More

    Bright’s explanation is utterly reasonable. College courses — especially upper-level graduate courses — often contain discursive discussions that are impossible to predict. If an in-class discussion suddenly touches on race or gender, does that mean the class has to screech to a halt? Is Bright forbidden from referencing a work that may touch on those topics as a recommendation to his students or an answer to their questions? It seems that under A&M’s current rules, the answer is arguably “yes.”

    Given public reports about the range of the administrative reviews and the number of courses administrators have interfered with at A&M, we are confident that Bright and Peterson are not alone. Texas faculty at public institutions affected by these reviews should reach out to FIRE if they have experienced similar censorship on campus. And FIRE’s Faculty Legal Defense Fund program is available for faculty to contact if they encounter disciplinary issues arising from their protected expression.

    Public officials can’t censor ideas they dislike out of existence. College campuses must remain places for discussion and debate, not censorship.



    Source link

  • Decoder Replay: Why welcome a poke in the arm?

    Decoder Replay: Why welcome a poke in the arm?

    Anti-vaxxers see a dark conspiracy around vaccines. But the reality is that for millions of people globally, vaccines are the life-saving miracle of science.

    Source link

  • Nevada higher ed leaders approve hefty tuition hike for public colleges

    Nevada higher ed leaders approve hefty tuition hike for public colleges

    This audio is auto-generated. Please let us know if you have feedback.

    Nevada higher education officials voted Friday to raise tuition and fees by 12% for public four-year institutions and 9% for two-year colleges. 

    The 8-5 vote by the Nevada System of Higher Education’s governing board sets up gradual increases to take place over three years, starting with a 3% hike in the 2026-27 academic year at four-year institutions and a 2% increase at two-year colleges. 

    The price hikes are meant to fill a fiscal hole in the coming years caused by rising costs and the pending expiration of more than $57 million in state bridge funding originally passed in 2025. Chancellor Matt McNair and presidents of the system’s colleges said in a briefing ahead of Friday’s meeting that, without revenue increases to account for the lapsed public funding, some 317 jobs across the system were potentially at risk. 

    The tuition increases would generate an estimated $49.3 million in annual revenue, more than covering a projected $41.4 million systemwide shortfall in fiscal 2029.

    For fiscal 2028, the system had faced a $27.1 million hole, including funding gaps of over $11 million at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas and the University of Nevada, Reno. 

    When McNair and system presidents made the case for tuition increases, they pointed to rising institutional costs. Those include a “significant deferred maintenance backlog,” as well other expenses such as student support services, technology infrastructure, cybersecurity, and a 1% merit increase for faculty salaries, their briefing said. 

    Students at the meeting Friday spoke out against the price increases. 

    We do not want a cheap education,” UNLV Student Body President Kelechi Odunze said, according to a local NBC affiliate. “But the value of education begins with reinvestment in students, not asking them to absorb the cost of systemic failures.”

    Even with the increases, Nevada’s public universities would be cheaper by thousands of dollars annually compared to the average price of their peers in the Western Interstate Commission for Higher Education, NSHE college leaders said in their briefing. 

    Under the proposal passed last week, registration fees at UNLV and UNR will increase by roughly $1,200 annually by fiscal 2029 for undergraduates taking 30 credits and graduate students taking 24 credits.

    Source link

  • Why in-building coverage is a lifeline for school safety

    Why in-building coverage is a lifeline for school safety

    Key points:

    During a school emergency, every minute that passes is crucial, but in those moments, a reliable connection can mean the difference between confusion and coordinated response. Yet, across the country, there is an unseen danger confronting school staff, students, and emergency personnel. This is inadequate communication connectivity within school buildings.

    For years, schools have implemented fortified doors, cameras, and lockdown exercises. This is because communication is the unseen link that connects each safety measure. However, communication can weaken once someone enters a structure composed of concrete, steel, and reinforced glass. This is unacceptable during a time when almost every call to 9-1-1 is generated by a cell phone.

    The changing face of emergency response

    More than 75 percent of emergency calls now come from wireless phones, according to the Federal Communications Commission. When something goes wrong in a classroom or gym, the first instinct isn’t to reach for a landline–it’s to pull out a smartphone.

    But what happens when that signal can’t get out?

    This problem becomes even more pressing as the nation moves toward Next-Generation 9-1-1 (NG911), a major upgrade that allows dispatchers to receive text messages, images, and even live video. These new capabilities give first responders eyes and ears inside the building before they arrive–but only if the network works indoors.

    At the same time, new laws are raising the bar. Alyssa’s Law, named after Alyssa Alhadeff, a student killed in the 2018 Parkland school shooting, requires schools in several states to install silent panic alarms directly linked to law enforcement. Similar legislation is spreading nationwide. These systems rely on strong, reliable indoor wireless coverage–the very thing many older buildings lack.

    When walls become barriers

    School buildings weren’t designed for today’s communications reality. Thick concrete walls, metal framing, energy-efficient glass, and sprawling multi-story layouts often block or weaken wireless signals. During an active-shooter event or a tornado warning, students may shelter in basements, cafeterias, or interior hallways–places where signal strength is weakest.

    After several high-profile incidents, post-incident reports have revealed the same pattern: first responders losing radio contact as they entered, dispatchers unable to locate or communicate with callers, and delays caused by poor in-building connectivity. These breakdowns aren’t just technical–they’re human. They affect how quickly students are found, how fast responders can coordinate, and how well lives can be protected.

    Technology that saves seconds–and lives

    Fortunately, there are solutions available, and they are becoming more accessible.

    The Emergency Responder Radio Coverage Systems (ERRCS) can also be referred to as Distributed Antennas Systems (DAS) within a public safety setting. The technology is responsible for extending radio communication coverage within building infrastructures. ERRCS are required within schools due to measures put into place within fire regulations.

    For communication and safety needs, cellular DAS, also known as small cells, are required to expand cellular coverage on a campus. These enable students, faculty, and staff to make calls, send texts, and exchange vital multimedia messages to 9-1-1 dispatchers, which is crucial during the NG911 era.

    Despite such technologies, smaller schools on more limited budgets can still leverage signal boosters and repeaters to fill coverage gaps within gyms, cafeterias, and other similar areas. At the same time, newer managed Wi-Fi solutions that offer E911 functionality can serve as a backup safety net that can transmit multimedia messages over secure Internet communications when cellular connectivity is no longer available.

    Best practices for schools

    Start with a coverage assessment. A comparison of where signals are dropping, not only for public safety communications but generally across each of the main cellular providers, will provide school administration with information on where to make improvements.

    Schools should then coordinate with the fire departments, the office of emergency management, and wireless service providers prior to implementing any system. This will ensure that they comply with local regulations and interoperability with first responders.

    Finally, maintenance and functionality are just as important as final installation. Communication systems should receive periodic tests, preferably during safety drills to verify that they work well under stress.

    Bridging the funding gap

    Improving in-building communications infrastructure can sound costly, but several funding pathways exist. Some states offer school-safety grants or federal assistance programs that cover technology investments tied to life safety. Districts can also explore partnerships with local governments or leverage E-rate-style funding for eligible network upgrades.

    Beyond compliance or funding, though, this is an equity issue. Every student, teacher, and responder deserves the same chance to communicate in a crisis–whether in a small-town elementary school or a large urban high school.

    A call to action

    A school is more than its classrooms and hallways, it is also a community of individuals each relying on others during times of fear and uncertainty. Perhaps one of the most straightforward ways to make this community more resilient is to provide a strong indoor building communication environment, both for public safety communications and cellular devices.

    The time has come to make connectivity a vital safety component rather than a luxury, because silence is simply not an option when seconds are at stake.

    Latest posts by eSchool Media Contributors (see all)

    Source link

  • Texas Pauses Use of H-1B Visas at State Universities

    Texas Pauses Use of H-1B Visas at State Universities

    Brandon Bell/Staff/Getty Images News/Getty Images North America

    Texas governor Greg Abbott, a Republican, ordered all state colleges and universities to freeze their applications for new H-1B visas, The Texas Tribune reported

    The pause, announced Tuesday afternoon, will last until May 31, 2027, though some institutions may be able to proceed if granted written permission by the Texas Workforce Commission.

    “State government must lead by example and ensure that employment opportunities—particularly those funded with taxpayer dollars—are filled by Texans first,” Abbott told the Tribune.

    Texas’s halt on hiring visa holders comes on the heels of a proposed pause in Florida. Colleges and other industries use the visa program to attract skilled workers. To qualify for one, a worker must be employed in a “specialty occupation” that requires “highly specialized knowledge,” according to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. 

    In an effort to restrict access to the visas, the Trump administration added a $100,000 fee for new applicants in September, which colleges have said would be detrimental to the recruitment and retention of international faculty, researchers and staff members.

    The decision in Texas came less than 24 hours after Abbott first announced publicly that he was considering such a move and had requested records on all H-1B visa–holding employees at the state’s public universities and K–12 schools.

    News of the record collection was first made public Saturday by Quorum Report, a nonpartisan newsletter focused on Texas politics. The Report obtained internal emails between the governor’s office and key leaders in the Texas A&M University system discussing the request. 

    Abbott’s interest was then confirmed Monday on a conservative radio talk show, where the governor said he intends to have an “action plan” released by the end of the week.

    On the radio show, Abbott suggested that some visa holders may have overstayed their legal welcome, adding that those are “the type of people that the Trump administration is trying to remove.”

    Tuesday’s freeze on new applications will not relieve institutions of filing reports about their current visa holders. The state government wants data on the number of new or renewed visa petitions filed in 2025, the number of current sponsorees, their job titles, countries of origin and visa expiration dates. Abbott has also asked institutions to provide evidence that they made a good-faith effort to hire qualified Texans before filing the position internationally, according to the Tribune.

    Source link