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  • How Harvard Is Standing Up to Trump Means Everything

    How Harvard Is Standing Up to Trump Means Everything

    When it comes to fighting the current authoritarian threats coming out of the Trump administration, it’s important to remember that the symbol is the substance.

    Frankly, this is always true of politics generally, but it’s more true and more important than ever in this moment.

    We have an object example of this principle at work presently in the different responses from Harvard and Columbia when it comes to the threats to funding and demand for control by the Trump administration.

    Columbia appeared to capitulate, forging an “agreement” to take steps sought by Trump, ostensibly to address antisemitism on campus, but this fig leaf was unconvincing, and Trump himself quickly dropped the pretense, as we all understand he has no interest in combating antisemitism and every interest in sending signals of domination and stoking fear that turns into pre-emptive compliance from other institutions.

    Columbia looked unprincipled and weak in the face of the authoritarian threat, and the internal and external backlash against Columbia has been significant.

    In contrast, once Harvard received the Trump administration demands, it crafted a careful public response, producing multiple public-facing communications meant to speak to different audiences (press, public, students, faculty, alumni) with different needs, including a letter from Harvard president Alan Garber to the university community that invoked a shared responsibility to defend the core values of the institution specifically and higher education in general.

    To be fair, the call was much easier for Harvard than Columbia for several reasons. For one, Harvard had seen what happened to Columbia, where what looked like capitulation to outsiders still proved insufficient, because, again, Trump is interested in subservience, not reaching a mutual agreement. When Trump-world figures like JD Vance and Chris Rufo say they intend to destroy higher education, we should take them seriously.

    The Trump administration demands of Harvard were also so extreme—amounting essentially to a takeover of the university—that it had no choice but to resist and take every possible step to rally others to the fight. The public thirst for an institutional response to Trump’s lawless power grabs has been so great that even the New York Times editorial board has weighed in with its approval of Harvard’s actions and the university’s explicit pledge to stand against violations of the rule of law.

    An interesting bit of information in the form of an op-ed by Columbia history professor Matthew Connelly has come out that perhaps sheds additional light on Columbia’s actions. Writing at The New York Times, Connelly laments the hapless situation his institution finds itself in, first receiving blows from Trump and then being subjected to the “circular firing squad” of those who oppose Trump signing on to a collective boycott of Columbia.

    Connelly argues that we should not view Columbia as “capitulating” to Trump because, “In fact, many of the actions the Columbia administration announced on March 21 are similar to those originally proposed last August by more than 200 faculty members.”

    In other words, in agreeing with Trump, Columbia is only doing what it was possibly going to do anyway. Connelly goes on to argue that Columbia would never give in on key principles of institutional operations, and acting Columbia University president Claire Shipman has subsequently declared that Columbia would not sign any agreement that would “require us to relinquish our independence and autonomy as an educational institution.”

    Columbia’s actions look similar to those taken by some of the big law firms that have reached vaguely worded “agreements” with Trump that have them pledging not to do “illegal DEI hiring” and to donate tens or hundreds of millions of dollars to pro bono causes favored by Trump. At Talking Points Memo, Josh Marshall has gone digging into some of these agreements and found that there’s not much of specific substance to be found, the wording often so generalized and vague that it would be easy for firms to fulfill the agreements without doing anything beyond their usual patterns and practices.

    I’m not entirely unsympathetic to Connelly’s irritation or the decisions by the big law firms; they thought they could make Trump go away with a little performative minor supplication and get back to their substantive work.

    They’ve obviously misread the moment badly. I don’t know what more evidence we need to conclude that Trump intends to govern as an authoritarian. In both the cases of these law firms and Columbia University, the entire battle was over Trump being allowed to claim a symbolic victory over these institutions, to get them to be seen capitulating.

    It is strange to say that the symbolic fight is the genuine battle over principles, but this is obviously the case. Trump wants to make others fearful of standing up to his authoritarian aims, so he will simply defy the rule of law until someone forces the victims to fight. There is no choice but to test the administration’s resolve. Trump’s response on Truth Social following Harvard’s action shows a lot of bluster aimed at tearing down Harvard’s reputation with a lot of right-wing tropes, but the rhetoric shows how nonexistent his substantive case is.

    Any capitulation, real or even perceived, is a loss. Either choice will come with costs. Trump is going after Harvard’s funding and nonprofit status, and there will be significant turbulence for the university in the foreseeable future. But turbulence is not the same thing as a plane heading for the ground.

    Harvard had its legal strategy prepared before the fight even went public. Law and precedent appear to be on its side, though this is not a guarantee of success. Trump seems determined to hold back whatever money he can in his ongoing attempts at coercion.

    What we are learning is that there is no such thing as accommodating or reaching an agreement with an authoritarian project. Harvard’s stand is an important symbolic illustration of this, and because of the symbolism, it is proving to be hugely substantive.

    Let’s hope it’s only the first example of how to fight back.

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  • Immigrants Keep Lining Up to Learn English as City Hall Cuts Support – The 74

    Immigrants Keep Lining Up to Learn English as City Hall Cuts Support – The 74


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    Inside a classroom at the Center for Family Life in Sunset Park on a recent Monday morning, teacher Julian Colón was busy setting out notebooks, folders, pens and crayons on a table. Outside in the hallway, a sign taped to a wall reads “CLASES DE INGLÉS POR ESTE CAMINO” — English classes this way.

    It was the first day of the spring semester in this predominantly Latino corner of the Brooklyn neighborhood, where Colón was expecting about 30 students in class.

    Julian Colón teaches an English as a Second Language class at the Center for Family Life in Sunset Park, Brooklyn, April 7, 2025. (Ben Fractenberg/THE CITY)

    But not everyone who wanted a seat at the table was there. More than 400 students are now on the center’s waitlist, according to Maria Ferreira, its adult employment program director.

    “I sit right by the reception, and every single day we get inquiries about ESOL,” Ferreira told THE CITY, using the acronym for English for Speakers of Other Languages. “Every day we’re adding people to the waiting list.”

    Demand for English classes has increased with the influx of migrants that began in 2022, according to a new report by United Neighborhood Houses, which represents 46 settlement houses that help serve immigrant populations, even as City Hall has slashed funding.

    At Flatbush-based social services giant CAMBA, program manager Jude Pierre said more than 700 prospective students are now waiting to get into one of its 10 city-funded ESL classes, which collectively accommodate about 200 students.

    “With the migrant crisis…we ended up getting a lot of individuals coming here to register for classes to the point where we basically had to stop taking registrations,” Pierre told THE CITY. “We got to the point where it didn’t make any more sense to have thousands of people on a waiting list, knowing we would never get to most of them. We started saying, ‘Sorry, we can’t do this, because it’s not fair to you,’ and trying to refer them to other places.”

    Last year, the Department of Youth and Community Development reduced funding for literacy classes by nearly 30% to $11.9 million from $16.8 million, the report noted. Many long-time providers in areas where migrant shelters were clustered also lost out on DYCD dollars after the agency adjusted its funding eligibility formula,” as THE CITY previously reported.

    An immigrant student takes an English as a Second Language class at the Center for Family Life in Sunset Park, Brooklyn.
    An immigrant student takes an English as a Second Language class at the Center for Family Life in Sunset Park, Brooklyn, April 7, 2025. (Ben Fractenberg/THE CITY)

    According to the report, many classes now depend entirely on discretionary dollars from the City Council, which increased its funding to $16.5 million in fiscal year 2025 from roughly $6.5 million in recent years to back organizations DYCD left behind.

    Several providers, however, told THE CITY that compared to DYCD’s multi-year contracts, Council funding, which requires annual reconsideration, makes it difficult to plan ahead and maximize offerings.

    And for some, like CAMBA, Council funding was not enough to cover the losses from DYCD with the group reducing the number of students it serves by 174 and closing its waitlist, Pierre said.

    So far, providers say, demand among new arrivals has remained steady even as the Trump administration’s mass deportation efforts have led many new arrivals fearful of working or sending kids to school or even walking the streets.

    “Ideally, these programs would be supported by a robust, baselined program managed by DYCD that offered students and providers stability with year-over-year funding,” the report says. “However, until DYCD revisits its unnecessarily restrictive stance…it is crucial that the City Council continue this support to make sure that adult learners continue to have access to quality classes.”

    ‘I Understand People Now’

    While fewer than 3% of the 1.7 million immigrants in need of English classes are able to access it through city-funded programs, according to the report, students who were able to find their way into a class told THE CITY improved English has helped with their daily lives — and their job prospects.

    Currently, two-thirds of New Yorkers with limited English proficiency earn less than $25,000 a year, according to American Community Survey data cited in the report.

    Rosanie Andre, 42, came to New York City from Haiti in 2023, and said she started taking English classes at CAMBA last year after three months on a waitlist. Since then, she’s been able to get a job serving food at Speedway while also delivering packages for Amazon per diem.

    “When I did my interviews, you have to speak in English with the manager. And it helped me a lot because I understand people now,” Andre, a native Haitian Creole and French speaker, said in English.

    Learning English has also helped Andre communicate with her 6-year-old — who only started speaking after their move to New York City.

    “And she started to speak English — English only. She knows nothing in Creole,” Andre said. “I try to listen to my daughter and speak to her English-only.”

    With her English improving, Andre said she is better able to help her daughter with her homework.

    “I try to explain her how to do it in English,” Andre said. “If no CAMBA, I have difficulty to understand. Cuz when I come here, I don’t understand nothing. When people speak, I smile because I understand nothing.”

    Roodleir Victor, 29, saw English classes as an essential stepping stone in furthering his education. He had completed his college coursework for an economics degree in his native Haiti, he said, though he ultimately fell just short of obtaining a degree because it would have required him to stay in the country’s capital, which has been embroiled in political turmoil and gang violence. 

    He started taking English classes when he moved to the city in 2023, he said, in hopes of continuing his studies here. For four days a week, he attended English classes in Flatbush from 1 to 4 p.m. before heading to Long Island to work at a pasta factory on a 5 p.m. to 5 a.m. overnight shift.

    Victor is now enrolled in a GED class, he said, and hopes to study computer programming after that.

    “I would like to study at a university which I can learn technology. But it’s difficult for me, because I don’t have the support I need to go there,” Victor said in English. “But for me personally, I believe in my capacity to adapt.”

    ‘It’s Not Impossible’

    Back in Sunset Park, a 55 year-old asylum seeker was patiently waiting to enter the room half an hour before class started at 9 a.m.

    “I’m just eager to learn,” the native of Ecuador  said in Spanish. “It’s important because I want to communicate with others for a job.”

    The mother of five arrived in New York City three months ago, she said, after seeking asylum at the Mexico-California border then being detained there for three months. She’s cleaning homes to help make ends meet, but hopes to land a job with steadier income soon.

    “Whatever I can get I pick up, but those jobs come and go,” she said. “I was in a workforce development program but the curriculum was in English so I started looking for classes.”

    Oscar Lima rolled into English class with his e-scooter just after class started at 9:30 a.m. The 34-year-old is now in his second semester of classes, he said, which he makes time for in between catering gigs, food deliveries and a third job as a barback.

    Columbian immigrant Oscar Lima says learning English will help him work in the food service industry.
    Columbian immigrant Oscar Lima says learning English will help him work in the food service industry, April 7, 2025. (Ben Fractenberg/THE CITY)

    “My bosses told me, ‘You’re a good worker, but you need to learn English,’” Lima said. “And I decided that I didn’t want to learn English myself.”

    Lima and other students now settled into their seats, turning their attention to Colón.

    “Everybody, are we ready? Listos?” Colón asked.

    “Yes,” the class responded timidly.

    Students practice learning the names of colors at an English as a Second Language class in Sunset Park, Brooklyn.
    Students practice learning the names of colors at an English as a Second Language class in Sunset Park, Brooklyn, April 7, 2025. (Ben Fractenberg/THE CITY)

    Colón then began presenting ground rules on a digital whiteboard: Try to arrive within the five-minute grace period after the class start time, and come prepared with books, papers and pencils.

    “The most important rule,” Colón continued, before repeating himself in Spanish. “Please don’t be afraid to participate and make mistakes.”

    At break time, Lima shared how he, his wife and his two sons had arrived in the city from Colombia about three years ago. While the family had started off at a shelter, Lima said, they’re now able to afford an apartment of their own. His two kids — seven and ten years old — quiz him about names of objects around the house, he said, and often encourages him to learn English alongside with them.

    “New York, it poses many challenges. It’s difficult at the beginning, but it’s not impossible,” Lima said in Spanish. “My American Dream is my sons…I want my children to perhaps have what I didn’t have, but at the same time I want to show them how to earn it, and how to work like good people.”

    The story was originally published on THE CITY.


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  • College Athletes Can Now Make Millions Off Sponsorship Deals – The 74

    College Athletes Can Now Make Millions Off Sponsorship Deals – The 74


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    $390,000 to Jaylon Tyson, a former basketball guard at UC Berkeley, from a group of private donors.

    $3,000 to Jordan Chiles, a UCLA gymnast and Olympic gold-medal winner, from Grammarly, an AI writing company. 

    $390 to Mekhi Mays, a former Cal State Long Beach sprinter, from a local barbecue joint. 

    These payments — derived from data that public universities provided to CalMatters — were part of “name, image and likeness deals” requiring students to create favorable posts on social media. 

    Such sponsorship deals were unheard of just four years ago. In 2021, California enacted a law allowing athletes to make these kinds of brand deals. It was the first state to pass such a law, prompting similar changes across the country. 

    This is the first-ever look at what many California athletes have actually made. University records show that money is flowing, but how much college athletes earn depends largely on the popularity of the sport, the gender and star power of its players and the fanbase of the university. While UCLA gymnasts earned over $2 million in the last three school years, university records show that players on the UCLA women’s water polo team earned just $152 during the same time frame, despite winning the national championship last year. 

    For companies, these name, image and likeness deals are akin to paying any other celebrity or professional athlete to promote a product. University alumni and sports fans can’t give money directly to a student athlete — at least not yet — but they are allowed to make name, image and likeness deals. Many universities have private donor groups, known as collectives or booster clubs, that offer athletes money, sometimes more than $400,000 in a single transaction, in exchange for an autograph or participation in a brief charity event. Often, those deals are a pretext to send money to top-tier players and discourage them from seeking better deals at other colleges.

    CalMatters reached out to every public and private university in the state with Division 1 teams, where the potential for profit is typically highest, and requested data that shows how much money each of its student athletes have made since 2021. State law requires all student athletes to report to their school any compensation they receive from their name, image and likeness, and public universities are required to disclose certain kinds of data upon request. Private universities, such as Stanford University and the University of Southern California, are not required to disclose any data about their students’ earnings. 

    All of the public Division 1 universities responded to CalMatters’ inquiry, though they did not all provide the same degree of transparency. San Jose State and Cal State Northridge said they had no records of any deals.

    There’s no consequence for students who fail to report what are known as NIL deals, so the data from public institutions may be incomplete. Still, certain trends emerge: 

    • College athletes at the state’s public universities received millions of dollars from collectives or booster clubs. At four University of California schools, around 70% or more of all compensation came from these collectives, according to university records. That’s just below national trends, according to a report by Opendorse, a tech company that tracks students’ deals. 
    • Male basketball players earned the most. While football is more popular and lucrative, nationally, many public Division 1 schools in California lack a football team. The football data may also be incomplete. For instance, all football players at UC Berkeley reported making a total of just over $113,000 since 2021 — less than what all San Diego State players made — even though Berkeley is in a more prominent conference. 
    • For high-profile football or basketball players in particular, it’s becoming more common for students to transfer multiple times, often in search of better name, image and likeness deals. Some California institutions, such as UC Davis and Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, have seen top athletes transfer colleges or threaten to transfer in order to attain better compensation elsewhere.
    • Except for a few star players, such as Chiles, most female college athletes made very little, according to the data provided to CalMatters. 
    • Collectively, athletes at UCLA and UC Berkeley earned more than double what those attending other UC and California State University campuses made. Some donors, such as those supporting Sacramento State and UC San Diego, have rapidly raised money to compete, while at other schools, athletic directors say they’ll never be able to guarantee such high-dollar deals. 

    Schools often removed any information that could identify an individual student. While UCLA generally did not provide the individual names of its athletes, the school was more transparent than most and shared the date of each transaction, the name of the brand or company, the amount of money it gave, and the sport. In February, a UCLA gymnast reported receiving $250,000 from the beverage company Bubbl’r. Since then, Chiles has promoted that brand, repeatedly. In May, a UCLA gymnast reported receiving $210,000 from the cosmetic brand Milani for “social media” — just a few months before Chiles posted a video on Instagram, promoting its makeup. One or more members of the UCLA gymnastics team have also reported deals with the food company Danone for $300,000 and with the health care company Sanofi for $285,000. 

    Fresno State shared less information. In the 2021-22 academic year, the Fresno State women’s basketball team raked in over $1.1 million from multiple name, image and likeness deals, but the university did not disclose which players were involved or how many were paid. After influencers and former basketball players Haley and Hanna Cavinder transferred to the University of Miami in April 2022, the number and dollar amount of deals for the Fresno team diminished. In the 2023-24 academic year, the team made just over $1,000 from 10 different deals.

    Money from boosters or collectives is the hardest to trace. In May, for example, a group of UCLA donors gave an undisclosed football player $450,000 for “social media.” 

    While private universities are not required to disclose students’ earnings, market estimates from On3, a media and technology company focused on college sports, say the highest-earning Stanford University athlete, basketball player Maxime Raynaud, could collect $1.5 million in the next 12 months. The top USC athlete, football player Jayden Maiava, could make $603,000 in the next year, according to the same estimates. These numbers are based on an algorithm that uses aggregate deals from college athletes across the country. Nationwide, the Opendorse report estimates that college athletes will earn $1.65 billion in the 2024-25 academic year. 

    Soon, college athletes may make even more. A high-profile class-action lawsuit will likely allow schools to pay athletes directly, while still classifying them as students, not employees. If the proposed settlement agreement goes into effect, students could see payouts as early as this fall. 

    If a school pays a student directly, the money should be divided roughly proportional to the number of male and female athletes, the Biden administration said in a U.S. Department of Education fact sheet issued in January. The page no longer exists

    In the last few months, attorneys have rescinded federal labor petitions asking that USC and Dartmouth College student athletes be reclassified as employees, but new cases are likely on the horizon, said Mit Winter, an attorney who specializes in name, image and likeness law: “I do think at some point — two years, five years, whatever it is — at least some college athletes will be employees.”

    A Times Square billboard reads: NIL has begun

    For decades, college sports have been a big business, though most of the money flowed to universities, not students. Nationally, Division 1 universities reported $17.5 billion in athletic revenue in 2022, according to the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). That’s more than the gross domestic product of 83 countries. For schools with top-performing football programs, such as UCLA and Berkeley, broadcast deals and other kinds of marketing represent over a third of total revenue. 

    Before California’s law went into effect, college athletes weren’t allowed to profit off their sport, though they frequently received scholarships equal to the cost of college tuition. On July 1, 2021 the new law took effect, and Haley and Hanna Cavinder were the first to benefit, signing deals with Boost Mobile, a cell phone company, and Sixstar, a nutrition company, just after the stroke of midnight. A Times Square billboard proclaimed they were the first such deals in the country. 

    Over the past four years, other California college athletes have signed advertising deals with clothing brands such as Crocs, Heelys and Aeropostale and food brands such as Liquid I.V. and Jack in the Box. FTX, the now-bankrupt cryptocurrency exchange, signed contracts with at least six players on the UCLA women’s basketball team in 2021. In 2022, the Biden campaign gave a UCLA gymnast $7,000, but public records did not disclose the purpose of the transaction. No other politicians appeared in any university’s data.

    Last year, Visit Fresno County, a nonprofit that promotes tourism, paid former Fresno State football players Dean Clark and Kosi Agina just under $10,000 to post Instagram videos about a local farmer’s market and a minor league baseball team, according to President and CEO Lisa Oliveira. She said the posts were so successful that she asked Agina to make another video, promoting a hiking trail in the Sierra National Forest

    But much of the money for students’ name, image and likeness doesn’t come from brands at all — it’s from private donors. Philanthropist and entertainment lawyer Mark Kalmansohn has given nearly $150,000 in 12 different transactions to athletes on UCLA’s volleyball, softball and women’s basketball teams since 2022, according to the data, which runs through May of last year. In an interview with CalMatters, Kalmansohn said he’s given more than $175,000 since May. “Women’s sports were almost always treated in a second-hand nature and given inferior resources,” he said, adding that his philanthropy is about “women’s rights.”

    In exchange for money, he asks each recipient to issue a free license of their name, image and likeness to a nonprofit organization that’s relevant to the athlete’s sport. But he said that’s not the norm. “In men’s football and men’s basketball, it’s pretty obvious that money is not for an ‘appearance’.” Instead, he explained that it’s a way to support the player and keep the team competitive. 

    Most donors give money to specific athletes through a collective, where the donors’ identities are largely hidden. At UCLA, public data through the 2023-24 academic year shows that a collective known as the Men of Westwood channeled nearly $2 million in private donations to the football, basketball and baseball teams. At Berkeley, collectives gave over $1.3 million to athletes since the 2022-23 academic year — the vast majority of which went to the men’s basketball team. 

    Supporting ‘elite talent’ at UC and Cal State

    For years, NCAA rules made it difficult for college athletes to transfer schools, but in 2021, right around the time that California started to allow name, image and likeness deals, the NCAA eased those rules. The number of students who transfer suddenly jumped in 2021 and has ticked up each year since, according to NCAA data. In practice, the new rules means that a well-endowed collective can lure athletes who want to make more money. 

    This year, over 11% of all Division 1 football players have tried to transfer colleges, an increase from the previous year, said Matt Kraemer, whose organization, The Portal Report, uses social media posts and tips from insiders to gauge college athletes’ transfer activity. Quarterbacks are even more likely to try to transfer, Kraemer said.

    For institutions like UC Davis, the threat of losing a top athlete can be costly. Late in the 2023-24 academic year, donors from other universities promised top athletes lucrative deals if they agreed to transfer, so UC Davis formed a collective, Aggie Edge, to make counter-offers, said Athletic Director Rocko DeLuca. “It’s a means to retain elite talent here at Davis.”

    DeLuca said the collective gave men’s basketball guard TY Johnson $50,000 and UC Davis running back Lan Larison $25,000. Those transactions were for “social media, appearances, autographs,” according to the university’s data. 

    So far, all other UC Davis athletes — more than 700 students over 25 sports — have reported just under $19,000 in deals since 2021. A few other athletes received products, such as a free cryotherapy session or a commission based on sales.

    In December, former UC Berkeley quarterback Fernando Mendoza transferred to Indiana University, where he later signed a name, image and likeness deal with a collective for an undisclosed amount. UC Berkeley then recruited former Ohio State quarterback Devin Brown the day after he won a national championship. It’s not clear if the Berkeley collective offered Brown a deal, since the university’s data doesn’t name Brown. 

    Justin DiTolla, Berkeley’s associate athletic director, said the university is “not affiliated with the collective” and that the university provides “equal support to all student athletes.” “We recognize that there is a difference in NIL support,” he said, “But it isn’t under our scope or umbrella.” The Berkeley collective, California Legends, declined to comment.

    At Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, some football players sought more money through a name, image and likeness deal by transferring to another school, but they didn’t all succeed, said Don Oberhelman, the university’s athletic director. “That’s the dirty little secret of all of this: the number of kids who blow an opportunity.”

    This fall, nine football players at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo announced their intention to transfer, he said. Six of them found a new university, he said, including University of Texas El Paso, San Diego State, Stanford, and Washington State — but three of them never received an offer from another school. 

    Oberhelman said that his football coach begins recruiting a replacement the moment a player announces his intention to transfer. If that student doesn’t end up transferring, he may lose his spot on the football team and the entirety of his athletic scholarship, which can be up to $30,000 a year. 

    “There’s raw emotion involved in these kinds of decisions,” he said. “I don’t think that’s how we would operate, but I can see a lot of people say, ‘You broke up with us.’” 

    Oberhelman said he doesn’t know what happened to the three players from the football team who failed to transfer. “For me, it would boil down to: Did we promise that money to someone else? Did we find another transfer or a high school person to replace you? If we did, that would put your future financial aid with us in jeopardy.”

    Small-town name, image and likeness deals 

    Outside of top football and men’s basketball programs, many of California’s college athletes vie for smaller name, image and likeness deals, often with local businesses, lesser-known clothing or athletic brands, or anything else they can find.

    Former Berkeley softball player Randi Roelling got $50 from one woman to give a pitching lesson to her daughter. In July 2023, chiropractor Lance Casazza started giving out free sessions to at least one Sacramento State football player in exchange for social media posts.

    Annika Shah, a basketball player at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, got her first deal through a local restaurant, Jewel of India, which occasionally has a pop-up tent outside the college gym. “I just said, ‘Hey I can market you. Let’s think of a cool slogan to put out.’” Customers who ask to “swish with Shah” at the checkout counter get a discount on their meal, she said. Shah doesn’t get any money, she said, but she does get free food whenever she visits. 

    “It was just a cool relationship and connection that I made with this family and the owners of Jewel of India, where they just want to help me out and I want to help them.” 

    Walking around campus, friends jokingly refer to Shah as their own “Jewel of India” and she likes it. “It’s such a marketable slogan now, and it kind of identifies who I am.”

    Many Division 1 schools have their own websites where customers can buy gear with an athlete’s name on it, but last fall, no such platform existed at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, said Shah, so she created her own. She partnered with a company, Cloud 9 Sports, and launched her own apparel brand. It’s brought in about $2,000 in sales so far, but after the university and Cloud 9 Sports take a cut, Shah said she’s left with about $800. 

    Shah said she was never told to report any of her monetary or in-kind contributions. After CalMatters asked, Oberhelman, the athletic director, said the school is now requiring it. “We haven’t done a great job following up because we’re just not going to have student athletes that are getting even five-figure deals,” he said. 

    Oberhelman said he only knew of eight deals, each for $2,000, all to the men’s football team from a group of private donors.

    Fresno State provided more data than Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, but it did not designate which deals came from its collective, known as Bulldog Bread. On its website the collective says it has raised more than $690,000 in corporate donations for Fresno State. At the top tier, that includes money from former Fresno State quarterbacks David and Derek Carr, property developer Lance Kashian, and construction company Tarlton and Son, Inc. The collective recently launched a vodka brand in partnership with a distillery, where a portion of all proceeds support students’ name, image and likeness deals.

    Athletes at UC Santa Barbara have reported $1,800 from their collective, Gold & Blue, but many other transactions reported by the school provide few details. According to the school’s data, an unnamed person or group made 15 deals with one or more members of the UC Santa Barbara men’s basketball team, totaling over $50,000 in “appearance fees” for an event last August associated with Heal the Ocean, a local environmental nonprofit. 

    The organization’s executive director, Hillary Hauser, said the nonprofit made no such contribution and had no events in August. University spokesperson Kiki Reyes said it’s “possible” that a collective made those payments, but she refused to respond to CalMatters’ questions regarding Hauser’s statement the event never occurred. 

    From August 2023 to August 2024, male basketball and baseball athletes at UC Santa Barbara reported roughly $500,000 in compensation for appearance fees related to various charities. Over the same time frame, all other athletes reported receiving free products, sales referrals, and cash payments totaling about $1,000.

    At UCLA, the CEO of the Men of Westwood collective, Ken Graiwer, is listed in university records as the “point of contact” for a $450,000 contribution, distributed over six transactions in the 2023-24 academic year, to the men’s basketball team for “public appearances.” For each of those transactions, the university’s data lists the Team First Foundation, a sports nonprofit, as the vendor. Neither UCLA nor the Team First Foundation responded to questions about who made the payment. 

    A few months before those transactions, the Men of Westwood posted a few photos on its Instagram account, showing UCLA men’s basketball players on the court with smiling children from the Team First Foundation programs. In the post, the Men of Westwood said it was “NIL outreach.” 

    California universities try to ‘stay competitive’

    Since becoming legal in 2021, the market for name, image and likeness compensation has exploded. Sports commentators, attorneys, and athletic directors say the landscape is a kind of “wild West” or “gold rush”: The money is pouring in, but the regulations are sparse or evolving.

    CalMatters has partial data from the 2024-25 academic year, but early indicators suggest that even more cash will soon flow to players. In September, a group of Sacramento State alumni, including some state lawmakers, said they raised over $35 million in one day for name, image and likeness deals. Cal State Bakersfield and UC San Diego recently formed their own collectives too.

    Last year, former Democratic Sen. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley — one of the co-authors of the watershed name, image and likeness law — proposed a new bill to gather more data about spending by collectives and its impact on women’s sports. Newsom vetoed the bill, saying “Further changes to this dynamic should be done nationally.” 

    Initially, the NCAA tried to prevent colleges from directly assisting athletes with deals, but the association has eased those regulations recently, blurring the lines between universities and the private collectives that support them. Many states have passed laws explicitly allowing universities to make deals directly with students. In October, Skinner and former Democratic Sen. Steven Bradford wrote a letter to California universities, encouraging them to do the same. 

    “I strongly urge California schools to make full use of (the watershed law) to stay competitive in college sports, especially now that other states are copying California and allowing their schools to make direct NIL deals with their student athletes,” said Skinner in a press release about the letter.

    This spring, California District Judge Claudia Wilken is expected to approve a settlement between athletes and the NCAA that would further expand the ways universities can pay their players. In the proposed settlement, a college could directly spend up to a combined $20.5 million per year on payments to all of its athletes. The spending limit would grow over time.

    Regardless of the settlement, athletic directors at many of California’s public institutions, such as Cal Poly San Luis Obispo and Cal State Bakersfield, said they don’t plan on giving any more money directly to students because their athletic programs lack the cash. “They’re already on full scholarship, so there aren’t any more existing dollars we can really offer that person,” said Oberhelman, with Cal Poly San Luis Obispo. Even if the university did have the money, he said he’s concerned about the legal implications of paying students directly. “Are they going to get a W-2 now? Are we paying workers comp? Nobody seems to have answered a lot of these questions.”

    DiTolla, at Berkeley, said the university will start paying its athletes once the settlement is finalized. UC San Diego joined Division 1 sports last year, and Athletic Director Earl Edwards said it is “seriously considering” paying its athletes too “if that’s what we need to do to be competitive.” UCLA refused to comment on the proposed settlement.

    USC Senior Associate Athletic Director Cody Worsham said the university will “invest the full permissible $20.5 million in 2025-26.” Stanford refused to answer any questions.

    While no Division 1 school in California has shared details about how it plans to pay its athletes, experts, such as attorney Mit Winter, say the proposed settlement is unlikely to change the current disparities in college sports, especially within the four most lucrative and dominant athletic conferences, known as the Power Four. Stanford, USC, UC Berkeley and UCLA are all in the Power Four. 

    For female rowers like Anaiya Singer, a freshman at UCLA, the disparities among men’s and women’s sports — and between football, basketball and everyone else — are no surprise. “Those big sports do bring in the most revenue, and they’re the most watched,” she said, while acknowledging that other athletes, such as fellow rowers, “deserve much more than we’re getting.” 

    Singer said she’s been working on building her social media brand and has nearly 3,000 followers on TikTok and just over 1,300 on Instagram. A few “very small companies” reached out to her through TikTok about promoting beauty products, but none of the brands felt like a good fit, she said. She has yet to agree to any deals or receive any funding from a collective.

    Neither have most of her peers. The UCLA women’s rowing team has reported less than $500 in name, image and likeness compensation since 2021.

    In the proposed settlement, each school will each be able to independently determine how to distribute their funds, but Winter said universities will likely follow their peers. “If you’re in UCLA, Berkeley….you’re in the Power Four and you’re going to have to stay competitive in recruiting,” he said. 

    “Most of the Power Four schools have all sort of landed on a similar way they’re going to pay that money out,” he added: 75% to the football team, 15% to the basketball team, around 5% to women’s basketball, and 5% to all other sports.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.


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  • Out of Touch with Social Class Realities

    Out of Touch with Social Class Realities

    Serve Marketing’s Why College Matters
    media campaign stacks the deck in favor of higher education and
    expects consumers to believe the story they tell. The problem with this campaign, and its anonymous funders, is that for many folks, college (and life after college) is problematic at best and oppressive at worst. 

     

    The Higher Education Disconnect: What Survey Results Miss About Americans’ Real Concerns

    The Why College Matters campaign presents data suggesting Americans’ perceptions of higher education can be positively influenced through messaging. However, when
    compared with broader research on Americans’
    attitudes toward higher education, significant disconnects emerge. This
    analysis examines the gaps between the campaign’s focus and the
    well-documented concerns Americans have about today’s college
    experience.

    The Financial Reality Gap: Debt and Affordability Concerns

    The Why College Matters campaign notably avoids addressing one of the most
    pressing issues facing Americans considering higher education: the
    financial burden. This omission creates a fundamental disconnect with
    public sentiment.

    Student Debt as a Life-Altering Burden

    Recent research shows that 70% of middle-income Americans believe
    student loans are impacting their ability to achieve financial
    prosperity5. The
    psychological burden is equally significant, with 54% of student
    borrowers experiencing mental health challenges directly attributed to
    their debt load, including anxiety (56%) and depression (approximately
    33%)8.
    The campaign’s focus on abstract benefits like “growing America’s
    economic prosperity” fails to acknowledge that for many individuals, the
    immediate economic reality is far less promising. Student borrowers
    report delaying major life milestones including starting
    families, purchasing homes, and pursuing careers they’re passionate
    about due to debt constraints8.

    The Middle-Class Squeeze

    While the campaign targets adults without college degrees as a key
    demographic, it misses that middle-class families face particularly
    acute challenges. These families often find themselves in a precarious
    position – too wealthy to qualify for significant need-based
    aid but not wealthy enough to comfortably afford college expenses13. This
    “middle-class squeeze” represents a significant disconnect between survey messaging and lived experience.

    The Employment Reality Disconnect

    Perhaps the most striking omission in the campaign’s framing is the
    reality of post-graduation employment outcomes, which directly
    contradicts the economic benefit messaging.

    Widespread Underemployment

    Research from the Burning Glass Institute reveals a sobering statistic:
    52% of recent four-year college graduates are underemployed a year after
    graduation, holding jobs that don’t require a bachelor’s degree14. Even
    more concerning, 45% still don’t hold college-level jobs a decade after graduation14. This
    creates a fundamental disconnect when the campaign emphasizes workforce development without acknowledging this reality.

    The “First Job Trap”

    The survey frames higher education as broadly beneficial for workforce
    development but fails to address what researchers call the “first job
    trap.” Data shows that 73% of graduates who start their careers in
    below-college-level jobs remain underemployed a decade
    after graduation14. This
    presents a significantly different picture than the campaign’s simplified message about maintaining a skilled workforce.

    Credential Inflation: The Devaluing Degree

    The campaign messaging presumes that increased educational attainment
    inherently produces positive outcomes, without addressing the phenomenon
    of credential inflation that undermines this assumption.

    Degrees as Diminishing Returns

    Credential inflation refers to the declining value of educational
    credentials over time, creating a scenario where jobs that once required
    a high school diploma now demand bachelor’s degrees, and positions that
    required bachelor’s degrees now require master’s
    or doctorates11. This
    creates a paradoxical
    situation where more education is simultaneously more necessary yet
    less valuable – a nuance entirely absent from the campaign narrative.

    Opportunity Costs Unacknowledged

    The campaign frames college primarily through its benefits, without
    acknowledging significant opportunity costs identified in research.
    These include delayed savings, fewer years in the workforce,
    postponement of family formation, and accumulation of debt11. This
    one-sided framing creates a disconnect with the lived experience of many Americans weighing these very real tradeoffs.

    The Growing Generational Divide

    The campaign’s focus on adults aged 35-64 misses a critical demographic:
    younger generations who express the most skepticism about higher
    education’s value.

    Gen Z’s Value Perception Crisis

    Only 39% of Gen Z respondents in one study said advancing their
    education is important to them, and 46% don’t believe college is worth
    the cost15. This
    represents a fundamental shift in attitude that the campaign’s
    methodology doesn’t capture, creating another disconnect between
    messaging and emerging social reality.

    The Civic Disconnection Context

    Research on youth disconnection shows broader trends of civic
    disengagement, with young Americans becoming less connected to community
    institutions generally19. The
    campaign’s framing of higher education as building community connection
    happens against this backdrop of declining civic participation –
    context that provides important nuance missing from the survey design.

    Mental Health Concerns: The Hidden Cost

    Perhaps the most significant omission in the campaign’s messaging is the
    documented mental health impact of the higher education experience,
    particularly related to financial strain.

    Student Debt as Mental Health Crisis

    Research demonstrates clear links between student loan debt and mental
    health challenges. Beyond anxiety and depression, the financial burden
    of education impacts overall wellbeing in ways unacknowledged by the
    campaign messaging816.

    Postponed Lives and Dreams

    The psychological impact of delayed life milestones due to educational
    debt creates stress that extends far beyond graduation. Student
    borrowers report putting their lives on hold – a reality that
    contradicts the campaign’s emphasis on “keeping alive the American
    dream”8.

    Ideological and Cultural Concerns

    The campaign notably avoids addressing concerns about campus culture and
    ideological homogeneity that research shows are significant factors in
    changing attitudes toward higher education.

    Faculty Ideological Imbalance

    Research from Harvard University reveals striking ideological
    homogeneity among faculty, with 37% identifying as “very liberal” and
    just 1% as “conservative”12. This
    imbalance contributes to perceptions of higher education as
    disconnected from the values of many Americans – particularly explaining
    why the campaign struggled to persuade conservative Americans that
    “higher education plays a critical role in maintaining a
    healthy democracy.”

    Conclusion: Bridging the Perception Gap

    The Why College Matters campaign demonstrates that positive messaging can
    improve abstract perceptions of higher education’s value. However, for
    these improved perceptions to translate into meaningful change in
    Americans’ relationship with higher education, campaigns
    must address the substantive concerns documented in research.

    The disconnects identified here – regarding debt, employment outcomes,
    credential inflation, generational attitudes, mental health impacts, and
    ideological concerns – represent real issues that significantly impact
    Americans’ decisions about higher education.
    Any campaign seeking to genuinely improve perceptions of higher
    education’s value must engage with these realities rather than focusing
    solely on abstract benefits.

    Simply improving “feelings” about higher education without addressing
    concrete problems risks further widening the gap between institutional
    messaging and public experience – potentially eroding rather than
    building trust in higher education as an institution.

    Citations:

    1. https://www.americansurveycenter.org/research/disconnected-places-and-spaces/
    2. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1876&context=aspubs
    3. https://stevenschwartz.substack.com/p/degree-inflation-undermining-the
    4. https://eab.com/about/newsroom/press/2024-first-year-experience-survey/
    5. https://www.newsweek.com/student-loans-hindering-american-prosperity-survey-1839337
    6. https://www.burningglassinstitute.org/research/underemployment
    7. https://www.insidehighered.com/opinion/blogs/higher-ed-gamma/2024/06/03/colleges-and-universities-new-mandate-rebuild-public-trust
    8. https://thehill.com/changing-america/enrichment/education/3658639-majority-of-student-loan-borrowers-link-mental-health-issues-to-their-debt/
    9. https://measureofamerica.org/youth-disconnection-2024/
    10. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1037&context=aysps_dissertations
    11. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Educational_inflation
    12. https://fee.org/articles/harvard-faculty-survey-reveals-striking-ideological-bias-but-more-balanced-higher-education-options-are-emerging/
    13. https://www.aaup.org/article/college-financing-and-plight-middle-class
    14. https://www.insidehighered.com/news/students/academics/2024/02/22/more-half-recent-four-year-college-grads-underemployed
    15. https://www.businessinsider.com/gen-z-value-of-college-higher-education-student-debt-tuition-2023-12
    16. https://lbcurrent.com/opinions/2024/09/04/debts-dilemma-student-loans-and-its-effects-on-mental-health/
    17. https://www.cssny.org/news/entry/national-poll-economic-hardships-american-middle-class-true-cost-of-living-press-release
    18. https://www.acenet.edu/Documents/Anatomy-of-College-Tuition.pdf
    19. https://www.cis.org.au/publication/degree-inflation-undermining-the-value-of-higher-education/
    20. https://www.insidehighered.com/news/quick-takes/2024/05/14/third-first-year-students-experience-bias-targeting
    21. https://www.rwjf.org/en/about-rwjf/newsroom/2023/10/survey-reveals-areas-of-fragmentation-and-common-ground-in-a-complicated-america.html
    22. https://www.hamiltonproject.org/publication/post/regardless-of-the-cost-college-still-matters/
    23. https://www.richardchambers.com/education-inflation-bad-for-education-bad-for-business/
    24. https://www.aaup.org/article/data-snapshot-whom-does-campus-reform-target-and-what-are-effects
    25. https://www.minneapolisfed.org/article/2007/has-middle-america-stagnated
    26. https://www.reddit.com/r/StudentLoans/comments/lmijoy/why_cant_they_just_lower_tuition/
    27. https://www.reddit.com/r/highereducation/comments/177qjtk/degree_inflation_is_a_huge_problem/
    28. https://www.insidehighered.com/news/institutions/2025/03/06/survey-presidents-point-drivers-declining-public-trust
    29. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/09/18/facts-about-student-loans/
    30. https://stradaeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Talent-Disrupted.pdf
    31. https://thehill.com/opinion/education/4375280-its-clear-colleges-today-lack-moral-clarity/
    32. https://www.apa.org/gradpsych/2013/01/debt
    33. https://center-forward.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/39370-Center-Forward-Student-Loans-Survey-Analysis-F04.11.23.pdf
    34. https://www.highereddive.com/news/half-of-graduates-end-up-underemployed-what-does-that-mean-for-colleges/710836/
    35. https://jamesgmartin.center/2019/07/exposing-the-moral-flaws-in-our-higher-education-system/
    36. https://www.freedomdebtrelief.com/learn/loans/how-student-loans-affect-mental-health/
    37. https://educationdata.org/student-loan-debt-by-income-level
    38. https://www.insidehighered.com/news/students/careers/2024/07/01/how-concerning-underemployment-graduates
    39. https://www.thefire.org/facultyreport
    40. https://www.ellucian.com/news/national-survey-reveals-59-college-students-considered-dropping-out-due-financial-stress

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  • Supreme Court takes education cases that could challenge the separation of church and state

    Supreme Court takes education cases that could challenge the separation of church and state

    The Supreme Court over the next two weeks will hear two cases that have the potential to erode the separation of church and state and create a seismic shift in public education.

    Mahmoud v. Taylor, which goes before the court on April 22, pits Muslim, Roman Catholic and Ukrainian Orthodox families, as well as those of other faiths, against the Montgomery County school system in Maryland. The parents argue that the school system violated their First Amendment right of free exercise of religion by refusing to let them opt their children out of lessons using LGBTQ+ books. The content of the books, the parents say, goes against their religious beliefs.

    Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. Drummond, which will be argued on April 30, addresses whether the St. Isidore of Seville Virtual Charter School should be allowed to exist as a public charter school in Oklahoma. The Archdiocese of Oklahoma City and the Diocese of Tulsa had won approval for the charter school from the state charter board despite acknowledging that St. Isidore would participate “in the evangelizing mission of the Church.”

    The state’s attorney general, Gentner Drummond, later overruled the approval, saying the school could not be a charter because charter schools must be public and nonsectarian. The petitioners sued and ultimately appealed to the Supreme Court, claiming Drummond violated the First Amendment’s free exercise clause by prohibiting a religious entity from participating in a public program.

    Teachers unions, parents groups and organizations advocating for the separation of church and state have said that rulings in favor of the plaintiffs could open the door for all types of religious programs to become part of public schooling and give parents veto rights on what is taught. In the most extreme scenario, they say, the rulings could lead to the dismantling of public education and essentially allow public schools to be Sunday schools.

    Related: A lot goes on in classrooms from kindergarten to high school. Keep up with our free weekly newsletter on K-12 education.

    At issue in both cases is the question of whether the First Amendment rights of parents and religious institutions to the free exercise of religion can supersede the other part of the amendment, the establishment clause, which calls for the separation of church and state.

    “I think a chill wind is blowing, and public education as we know it is in extreme jeopardy of becoming religious education and ceasing to exist,” said Rachel Laser, president of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, an advocacy organization that has filed an amicus brief in the St. Isidore case. “The whole idea is to have churches take control of education for American children. It’s about money and power.”

    For some conservative lawmakers, evangelical Christian groups and law firms lobbying for more religiosity in the public square, decisions in the petitioners’ favor would mean religious parents get what they have long been owed — the option of sending their children to publicly funded religious schools and the right to opt out of instruction that clashes with their religious beliefs.

    “If we win this case, it opens up school choice across the country,” said Mathew Staver, founder of Liberty Counsel, an Orlando, Florida-based conservative Christian legal firm that has filed a brief supporting the petitioners in both cases. “I see school choice as a reaction to the failed system in the public schools, which is failing both in academia but also failing in the sense they are pushing ideology that undermines the parents and their relationship with their children.”

    By taking the cases, the Supreme Court once again inserts itself in ongoing culture wars in the nation, which have been elevated by presidential orders threatening to take away funding if schools push diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives and state laws banning teaching on various controversial subjects. Legal scholars predict that the Supreme Court will lean toward allowing St. Isidore and the opt-outs for parents because of how the justices ruled in three cases between 2017 and 2022. In each case, the justices decided that states could not discriminate against giving funds or resources to a program because it was religious.

    Related: How Oklahoma’s superintendent set off a holy war in classrooms

    Of the two cases, St. Isidore likely could have the greatest impact because it is attempting to change the very definition of a public school, say opponents of the school’s bid for charter status. Since charter schools first started in the 1990s, they have been defined as public and nonsectarian in each of the 46 state statutes allowing them, according to officials at the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools. Today, charter schools operate in 44 states, Guam, Puerto Rico and Washington, D.C., and serve roughly 7.6 percent of all public school students.

    “It would be a huge sea change if the court were to hold they were private entities and not public schools bound by the U.S. Constitution’s establishment clause,” said Rob Reed, the alliance’s vice president of legal affairs.

    A victory for St. Isidore could lead to religious-based programs seeping into several aspects of public schooling, said Steven Green, a professor of both law and history and religious studies at Willamette University in Salem, Oregon.

    “The ramification is that every single time a school district does some kind of contracting for any kind of service or curricular issues, you’re going to find religious providers who will make the claim, ‘You have to give me an opportunity, too,’” Green said.

    St. Isidore’s appeal to the Supreme Court is part of an increasing push by the religious right to use public funds for religious education, said Josh Cowen, a professor of education policy at Michigan State University and author of a 2024 book on school vouchers. Because of previous court decisions, several voucher programs across the country already allow parents to use public money to send their children to religious schools, he said.

    “What’s going to happen if the court says a public school can be run by a religious provider?” Cowen asked. “It almost turns 180 degrees the rule that voucher systems play by right now. Right now, they’re just taking a check. They’re not public entities.”

    The effect of a St. Isidore victory could be devastating, he added. “It would be one more slippery slope to really kicking down the wall between church and state,” Cowen said.

    Related: Inside the Christian legal campaign to return prayer to public schools

    Jim Campbell, chief legal counsel for Alliance Defending Freedom, which is representing St. Isidore’s bid to become a charter, discounted the idea that a St. Isidore win would fundamentally change public schools. Like Staver, he views St. Isidore as simply providing another parental option. “We’re not asking the state to run a religious school,” Campbell said. “These are private entities that run the schools. This is a private organization participating in a publicly funded program.”

    Opponents of religious charter schools question whether St. Isidore would have to play by the same rules as public schools.

    “How are they going to handle it when there’s a teacher who has a lifestyle that doesn’t align with Catholic school teaching? They’re talking out of both sides of the mouth,” said Erika Wright, an Oklahoma parent and plaintiff in a lawsuit protesting a Bible in the classroom mandate by Oklahoma’s state superintendent of instruction. She also joined an amicus brief against St. Isidore’s formation.

    “As a taxpayer, I should not be forced to fund religious instruction, whether it’s through a religious charter school or a Bible mandate,” Wright said. “I shouldn’t be forced to fund religious indoctrination that doesn’t align with my family’s personal beliefs.”

    Notably, in the Montgomery County parents’ case going before the court, parents use similar reasoning to support their right to opt out of instruction. “A school ‘burdens’ parents’ religious beliefs when it forces their children to undergo classroom instruction about gender and sexuality at odds with their religious convictions,” the parents’ brief said.

    The school district in 2022 adopted several books with LGBTQ+ themes and characters as part of the elementary language arts curriculum. Initially, families were allowed to opt out. But then the school system reversed its policy, saying too many students were absent during the lessons and keeping track of the opt-outs was too cumbersome. The reversal led to the lawsuit.

    Historically, school districts have given limited opt-outs to parents who, for example, do not want their child to read a particular book, but the Montgomery County parents’ request is broader, said Charles C. Haynes, a First Amendment expert and senior fellow for religious liberty at the Freedom Forum in Washington, D.C. The parents are asking to exclude their children from significant parts of the curriculum for religious reasons.

    “If the court sides with the parents, I think the next day, you’re going to have parents across the country saying, ‘I want my kids to opt out of all the references to fill-in-the-blank.’ … It would change the dynamic between public schools and parents overnight,” Haynes said.

    Related: Tracking Trump: His actions to abolish the Education Department, and more

    Sarah Brannen, author of “Uncle Bobby’s Wedding,” one of the LGBTQ+ books Montgomery County schools adopted, sees major logistical issues if the school system loses. “Allowing parents to interfere in the minutia of the curriculum would make their already difficult jobs impossible,” she said.

    Colten Stanberry, a lawyer with the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty representing the Montgomery County parents, disagreed. School systems manage to balance different student needs all the time, he said.

    A triumph for the Montgomery County families and St. Isidore would cause much more than logistical issues, said Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association. It could lead to a public education system where parents can pick a school based on religious beliefs or try to change a traditional public school’s curriculum by opting out of lessons in droves.

    “For us to be a strong democracy, then we necessarily need to learn about all of us. To separate us flies in the face of why we were founded,” Pringle said.

    This story about church and state was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

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  • Student Satisfaction at HBCUs | Ruffalo Noel Levitz

    Student Satisfaction at HBCUs | Ruffalo Noel Levitz

    Student satisfaction at HBCUs: Male student walking past a university building.
    How does student satisfaction at HBCUs compare to institutions nationally?

    Student satisfaction is a critical component for student success. At RNL, we have observed that satisfaction can vary based on the institution type. Student satisfaction levels at a four-year private may differ from a four-year public. In addition, we have seen that students at schools with a specific identity or mission (such as Christian colleges) may also have different levels of satisfaction. This is why it is helpful for institutions to have an external perspective for comparing their satisfaction scores with institutions that are most like theirs—by type, region of the country, or by the particular population of students they serve.

    The value and impact of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) is well known and documented. HBCUs play a crucial role in advancing educational equity, fostering leadership, and preparing students to excel in a global workforce. Despite comprising roughly 3% of U.S. colleges and universities, HBCUs produce nearly a quarter of all Black graduates, with impact extending beyond academic preparation, serving as powerful engines of economic growth, providing supportive learning environments, and culturally affirming communities at critical times in the student development cycle.

    HBCUs have experienced a surge in student interest over the past several years, leading many campuses to review and refine recruitment and student success strategies. As a result of the increased prioritization of student satisfaction, over the past three years, RNL has created a national comparison group of four-year private and public HBCUs, offering the best external comparison by which institutions may compare themselves. These data can also inform our understanding of the student experience at HBCUs.

    How satisfied are students attending HBCUs?

    The RNL Student Satisfaction Inventory (SSI) is a survey instrument that measures student satisfaction and priorities. The assessment informs campuses of satisfaction levels of various aspects of the student experience, including instructional effectiveness, academic advising, and recruitment and financial aid. The assessment then identifies how those satisfaction levels affect student decisions related to persistence. Over the past three academic years (2021-22, 2022-23, and 2023-24), 8,938 students attending 20 HBCUs have completed the SSI, providing an opportunity for us to assess their satisfaction and compare it to students at other four-year public or private institutions.

    Why do students choose HBCUs?

    The SSI asks students to rate the importance of factors that influenced their decision to enroll at their college or university. When we explore the results for students at HBCUs compared with students at the other two institution types, we see the following levels of importance placed on each factor:

    HBCUs and student satisfaction: Table showing that the top 3 factors to enroll at HBCUs are Financial aid, Cost, and Academic reputationHBCUs and student satisfaction: Table showing that the top 3 factors to enroll at HBCUs are Financial aid, Cost, and Academic reputation

    Note the higher importance levels HBCU students placed on recommendations from family and friends, underscoring the importance of highlighting student and alumni outcomes. These results invite university leaders, including admissions and enrollment officers, institutional advancement/transformation officers, and leadership within alumni affairs, to consider how they are positioning various factors and what messaging they may want to emphasize throughout the recruitment process.

    HBCUs and student satisfaction: Chart showing that 38% of students at HBCUs are satisfied with their institution compared to 55% at other four-year institutions, and that 48% would re-enroll compared to 60% at four-year institutions.HBCUs and student satisfaction: Chart showing that 38% of students at HBCUs are satisfied with their institution compared to 55% at other four-year institutions, and that 48% would re-enroll compared to 60% at four-year institutions.

    As this chart on overall perceptions indicates, students at HBCUs have lower levels over overall satisfaction and were less likely to say they would re-enroll at their institution if they had to do it all over again compared to four-year institutions nationally. Although several factors may contribute to differences in satisfaction levels, this indicates that there is potential for improvement in serving students at HBCUs and meeting their expectations. Several factors may contribute to the differences in satisfaction levels. The call to action, however, is clear—campuses must create and implement concrete action plans to address high priority concerns.

    The Power of Institutional Choice

    For years, RNL has noted that students attending their first-choice institution tend to have higher satisfaction than students attending their second- or third-choice institution. Ideally, an institution should strive to have the majority population believe the institution is their first choice, to be in the best position for higher satisfaction scores. In this HBCU data set, the impact of institutional choice is clearly seen. As illustrated in the chart below, only 47% of students indicate that the HBCU was their first choice, as compared with 64% of students at four-year public nationally and 63% of students at four-year private institutions.

    HBCUs and student satisfaction: Chart showing that 47% of students at HBCUs are at their first-choice institution vs 60%+ for four-year institutionsHBCUs and student satisfaction: Chart showing that 47% of students at HBCUs are at their first-choice institution vs 60%+ for four-year institutions
    HBCUs and student satisfaction: Chart showing satisfaction levels by institutional choice, with 47% of HBCU students at their first-choice institution and 62% of students at their first-choice four-year institutions indicating they are satisfied. HBCUs and student satisfaction: Chart showing satisfaction levels by institutional choice, with 47% of HBCU students at their first-choice institution and 62% of students at their first-choice four-year institutions indicating they are satisfied.

    While these two charts look similar, the second one shows the percentage of students who said they were satisfied or very satisfied with their experience based on whether they thought the school was their first-, second- or third-choice. These percentages decline considerably for students who did not want to attend the institution.

    This indicates that HBCUs have an opportunity to better position themselves as a first-choice institution for the population of students they are actively recruiting and to communicate why their college is the best fit and the best option for the student. Larger sample sizes from HBCU campuses could further assist with understanding the impact of institutional choice on satisfaction levels.

    Many strengths and a few challenges

    The SSI asks students to indicate both a level of importance and a level of satisfaction with a variety of student experiences both inside and outside of the classroom. The combination of these scores lead to the identification of strengths (high importance and high satisfaction) and challenges (high importance and low satisfaction). Strengths and challenges are identified for individual institutions administering the survey instrument and can also be indicated for the national comparison data sets.

    When we reviewed the national HBCU group of 8,938 students, more strengths than challenges were identified.

    Strengths

    • My academic advisor is knowledgeable about requirements in my major.
    • Major requirements are clear and reasonable.
    • I am able to experience intellectual growth here.
    • Tutoring services are readily available.
    • Nearly all of the faculty are knowledgeable in their field.
    • My academic advisor is approachable.
    • The content of the courses within my major is valuable.
    • Library resources and services are adequate.
    • There is a strong commitment to racial harmony on this campus.
    • Faculty are usually available after class and during office hours.
    • There is a commitment to academic excellence on this campus.
    • Class change (drop/add) policies are reasonable.
    • Student disciplinary procedures are fair.
    • The student center is a comfortable place for students to spend their leisure time.
    • Library staff are helpful and approachable.
    • Bookstore staff are helpful.

    While many of these strengths overlap with what we see in the national four-year private and public data sets, it is still noteworthy to highlight that, despite the generally lower satisfaction scores at HBCUs, there are still many areas to celebrate. Students value the support received by faculty and staff. Students appreciate the availability of academic resources. Students are highly appreciative that their campus communities are accepting and affirming of who they are and support who they are seeking to become.

    Challenges

    Only five challenges were identified in the national HBCU data set:

    • I am able to register for classes I need with few conflicts.
    • Tuition paid is a worthwhile investment.
    • Security staff respond quickly in emergencies.
    • This institution shows concern for students as individuals.
    • Faculty provide timely feedback about student progress in a course.

    Again, most of these items overlap with challenges identified at the other institution types, which says that the experience students are having at HBCUs may be more similar than it is different. However, that does not discount the fact that the HBCUs bring something special to the marketplace for students.

    Survey your students

    While observing national norms is valuable, the greatest value comes when institutions survey their own student populations to determine satisfaction levels and to see specific strengths and challenges that apply to their college or university. Please contact Julie Bryant if you are interested in learning more about assessing student satisfaction on your campus. If you are an HBCU, RNL will provide the additional comparison group of just HBCUs to you at no additional charge.

    RNL supports HBCUs through various initiatives aimed at enhancing enrollment, student success, and fundraising efforts. Key contributions include:

    • Annual HBCU Summit: RNL organizes a yearly summit tailored for HBCU leaders to network, share data, exchange ideas, and develop actionable plans for immediate campus implementation. This year’s summit will take place July 21 in Atlanta, Georgia, and will focus on marketing, recruitment, student success strategies, the impact of trends and technology on HBCUs and the impact sociopolitical climate shifts will have on operational strategy.
    • On-demand webinars: RNL offers webinars such as “Amplifying Excellence: Enhancing Student Success and Retention at HBCUs,” which explore data on first-year students and HBCUS while providing strategies to support student retention and degree attainment.
    • Dedicated team for HBCUs: RNL has an established team of senior-level consultants focused on supporting HBCUs. I lead this team, and we aim to help institutions enhance service to students, meet enrollment and revenue goals, and fulfill their mission.

    Through these efforts, RNL demonstrates a commitment to empowering HBCUs with the tools and knowledge necessary to thrive in a competitive educational landscape.

    2025 RNL HBCU Summit

    July 21, 2025 in Atlanta

    Join us for this one-day Summit held before the RNL National Conference. You’ll hear key strategies for meeting your goals for marketing, recruitment, and retention. Registration is complimentary when you also register for the RNL National Conference.

    See more details and register

    2025 HBCU Summit, July 21 in Atlanta2025 HBCU Summit, July 21 in Atlanta

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  • Northwestern to self-fund federally threatened research

    Northwestern to self-fund federally threatened research

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    Northwestern University will pull from its coffers to continue funding “vital research” that has been threatened by the Trump administration, the private institution announced Thursday.

    Conflicting reports first surfaced last week that the administration had paused — or planned to pause — $790 million in federal research funding to Northwestern. The White House confirmed the freeze to multiple news outlets and claimed it stemmed from allegations of continued antisemitism on Northwestern’s campus. Prior to the reported funding cuts, the university touted a steep decline in complaints of antisemitic discrimination.

    Federal officials offered few other details at the time or since. 

    As of Thursday, the university had not yet been notified of that freeze, according to a joint statement from Northwestern President Michael Schill and Board Chair Peter Barris. But the institution had received stop-work orders on some 100 federal grants“money that fuels important scientific breakthroughs,” they said in the April 17 statement.

    With approval from Northwestern’s board, the university has committed to using its own resources to fund any research that is subjected to a stop-work order or impacted by a federal funding freeze.

    “This support is intended to keep these projects going until we have a better understanding of the funding landscape,” Schill and Barris said.

    The pair did not say how long Northwestern could afford to sustain its current slate of projects if the federal government did indeed pull all funding. The university on Friday did not immediately respond to questions on that or on how it plans to fund the research.

    “We continue to urge fiscal responsibility, including the conservative use of funds to help minimize University risk and extend the time that Northwestern can support our research community,” Schill and Barris said.

    Their statement linked to a newly published website sharing the impact of Northwestern’s scientific research. The research ranges from studies of neonatal care to treatment for Alzheimer’s and supports about 14,500 jobs nationwide, according to the university. 

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  • Minnesota college leaders eye tuition hikes as costs rise and state funding flatlines

    Minnesota college leaders eye tuition hikes as costs rise and state funding flatlines

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    Dive Brief:

    • Minnesota’s public colleges could institute substantial tuition spikes in the next academic year, after state officials have so far failed to meet funding requests. 
    • College officials’ latest projections estimate students could see price increases ranging from 4% to 9.9% to offset budget gaps, according to a presentation at a Minnesota State system board of trustees meeting this week. Most colleges and universities are modeling an increase of 8%. 
    • Those proposed increases come as analysis from the Minneapolis Federal Reserve showed enrollment in public Minnesota colleges increased substantially in the 2024-25 academic year — up 12% at two-year institutions and 4% at four-year institutions.

    Dive Insight:

    Leaders at public institutions in Minnesota are having to grapple with state funding that will likely remain flat while inflation continues lifting costs for college operations. 

    Minnesota State Board of Trustees, which oversees 33 institutions, requested $465 million in new funding in the state budget covering fiscal 2026 and 2027. 

    But so far, state executive and House budget proposals include no funding increases for the system, said Bill Maki, vice chancellor of finance and facilities for the Minnesota State system, during Tuesday’s presentation. He noted that the state Senate offered additional funding but only a fraction of what was asked for — $100 million.

    The muted proposals from the state — which is facing its own fiscal shortfalls — would leave colleges on their own in filling budget gaps created by increasing costs and financial needs, such as maintenance backlogs. 

    Modest tuition increases would still leave substantial structural deficits, Maki noted. A system-wide tuition increase of 3.5% would still leave a $65.1 million budget shortfall in fiscal 2026. Even a 9% tuition hike would mean a $23.8 million gap. 

    Regardless of what level of tuition increase may be approved by the board, every one of our colleges and universities is going to have to implement budget reallocations and reductions in order to cover inflationary costs,” Maki said. 

    Complicating things, as the chancellor pointed out, is that institutions have to set tuition rates before they fully know their costs for the year. 

    To date, the Minnesota State system has remained relatively strong financially. The system’s operating revenues increased in fiscal years 2024 and 2023, according to its latest financial statement. It ended fiscal 2024 with total revenues of $2.3 billion and a surplus of $108.9 million. 

    Helping the system’s finances is the support it has received from the state. In 2024-25, tuition accounted for about 30% of the Minnesota State system’s revenue, compared to 42% made up by state appropriations. 

    And the state’s public colleges have beaten the nationwide trend of declining enrollment, reporting student growth in recent years.

    Minnesota’s enrollment growth brought the state just short of its pre-pandemic levels in 2019, according to the Minneapolis Fed’s analysis. 

    The state’s enrollment upticks in 2024 and 2023 also break a decade of decline in Minnesota and many of its neighboring states.

    In explaining the state’s enrollment growth, the Fed’s analysis pointed in part to Minnesota’s recently implemented North Star Promise. The program offers free tuition to students whose families make under $80,000 — a boon to enrollment and educational access but not necessarily to colleges’ coffers.

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  • Hundreds Waitlisted for Pre-K in South Carolina Despite Thousands of Open Seats – The 74

    Hundreds Waitlisted for Pre-K in South Carolina Despite Thousands of Open Seats – The 74


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    COLUMBIA — Hundreds of 4-year-olds across South Carolina are on waitlists to access state-funded preschool programs, even though there are thousands of open seats, according to a report presented Monday to the state Education Oversight Committee.

    The state funds a dual system of full-day kindergarten for 4-year-olds deemed “at risk.” Students are eligible under state law if they qualify for Medicaid or free or reduced-price meals, or if they are homeless, in foster care or show developmental delays. Many public school districts use local property tax dollars to expand that eligibility.

    The state Department of Education oversees programs in public schools, while First Steps, a separate state agency, oversees state-funded classes in approved private schools and child care centers.

    As of November, 400 4-year-olds were waiting for spots to open up to enroll at their local public school. At the same time, First Steps 4K reported more than 2,300 open seats, often in the same counties as the districts with the longest waitlists, according to the report.

    “It’s just a matter of finding an open seat for a child on a waitlist or finding an eligible child for the open seat,” said Jenny May, a committee researcher who presented the report.

    Because 4K is a one-year program, students who are on the waitlist are unlikely to end up in a preschool program before starting kindergarten. Children need at least 120 days of preschool to prepare, so even if a slot happens to open up toward the end of the school year, they will start kindergarten less ready than other 5-year-olds, according to the study.

    It’s not clear why some 4-year-olds are on a waiting list for a public school when vacancies exist in private programs, May said.

    In some cases, the issue could be that another preschool program isn’t available nearby. The four counties with the longest waitlists — Lexington, Anderson, Berkeley and Newberry — all have at least one First Steps 4K program with availability, according to the report. However, that doesn’t account for potential cross-county drives.

    Other parents may not know that other options are available, May said. Having a person designated to help direct parents to other preschool options, such as the nearest First Steps 4K program with open seats, could help reduce that waitlist, May said.

    “It’s likely that if we had a more efficient process, we could serve most of the 400 kids on a waitlist on one of the First Steps seats,” May said.

    The state already has several websites meant to help parents figure out what programs they’re eligible for and how to enroll. Palmetto Pre-K, launched in 2020, tells parents whether they’re eligible for state-funded preschool programs. First Five SC does the same but includes all early childhood programs with federal or state funding.

    But having a person parents can call, or who can reach out to families with children on waitlists, could help reach some parents who might not know about the websites or have other concerns, the study suggests. That person, who the committee dubbed a 4K navigator, could then talk parents through the differences in programs, find available seats and answer any other questions parents might have, researchers said.

    First Steps 4K has a similar program, in which applicants are directed to a central phone line or website that helps parents find the right fit for their child. That has helped prevent First Steps from having its own waitlist, May said. The 4K navigators, who the study suggested trying out in areas with the largest waitlists first, would have a broader knowledge of pre-K programs, the report said.

    If a school district has a persistent waitlist of more than 20 students, that suggests the population has risen in that area, and state officials should consider giving the district more funding to create enough slots for those students, the report suggested.

    The waitlisted students represent less than 1% of students who are eligible for the program but not enrolled. More than 18,000 4-year-olds, or about 55% of all eligible, are living in poverty but not enrolled in a 4K program, according to the report.

    That’s a decrease from the 2022-2024 school year, when 60% of eligible students were not enrolled in districts. Still, it’s not enough, May said.

    Even if every student on a waitlist enrolled in one of the available spots, programs would have space left over to take on at least 1,900 more students, according to the report. That suggests there are barriers other than program space keeping parents from enrolling their students in state-funded preschool, May said.

    In many cases, the problem might be that parents don’t know about 4K programs or their benefits, May said. The state should put more funding and effort into outreach to help those students, the report suggests.

    Data shows preschool programs are highly beneficial, helping students learn skills in reading, math and socialization, studies have found. According to the report, at-risk students who attended a state-funded pre-K program were more likely to be prepared for school than their counterparts who didn’t, according to the report.

    “So, we want those students who are eligible and not served to be able to access it, and we definitely want those students who are on a waitlist to be able to access the program,” said Dana Yow, executive director of the committee.

    SC Daily Gazette is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. SC Daily Gazette maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Seanna Adcox for questions: [email protected].


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  • Revoking Harvard’s tax-exempt status will threaten all nonprofits

    Revoking Harvard’s tax-exempt status will threaten all nonprofits

    After several recent statements by President Trump suggesting that Harvard University should lose its tax-exempt status because of what he called “political, ideological, and terrorist inspired” ideas being expressed on the Cambridge campus, the IRS has reportedly begun to consider removing Harvard’s tax exemption. Coming on the heels of its recent freeze of over $2 billion in federal funding to Harvard, such a decision displays an alarming willingness to use the levers of government specifically to suppress dissenting political viewpoints in higher education.​

    In posts to TRUTH Social on April 15 and 16, Trump explained his reasoning for targeting Harvard’s tax exemption. In addition to “pushing political, ideological, and terrorist inspired/supporting ‘Sickness?’,” Trump opined that Harvard had “lost its way” by hiring former Mayors Bill de Blasio and Lori Lightfoot to teach classes, “hiring almost all woke, Radical Left, idiots,” and declining to fire former President Claudine Gay from her faculty as well as her leadership position after plagiarism allegations, and generally for Harvard being a “JOKE” that teaches “Hate and Stupidity” and is unworthy of federal funding.

    Using the IRS as a tool for political retribution undermines the agency’s impartiality and jeopardizes the foundational principle of equal justice under law.

    One need not consider the merits of these complaints to recognize that they are, at their core, complaints about the viewpoints expressed by Harvard as an institution and by individual members of its community. As such, targeting Harvard for these viewpoints is viewpoint discrimination prohibited by the First Amendment. As a unanimous Supreme Court reminded us just last year in NRA v. Vullo, “A government official can share her views freely and criticize particular beliefs, and she can do so forcefully in the hopes of persuading others to follow her lead. . . . What she cannot do, however, is use the power of the State to punish or suppress disfavored expression.”

    Threatening to strip a university of its tax-exempt status based on its expression — or that of faculty, staff, or students — sets a dangerous precedent. The Internal Revenue Code grants tax-exempt status to educational institutions that operate for the public good, without engaging in substantial political or lobbying activities, and very broadly construes the notion of the public good precisely because it is not intended to serve as referee for the intense social and political debates key to politics in a liberal democracy. Past efforts to weaponize the agency against political opponents, from President Nixon’s desire to audit those on his “enemies list” to the targeting of conservative nonprofit groups for excessive scrutiny under President Obama, have been near-universally condemned. Using the IRS as a tool for political retribution undermines the agency’s impartiality and jeopardizes the foundational principle of equal justice under law.

    Many who support Trump set aside the president’s ideological justifications for removing Harvard’s tax-exempt status. They instead argue the targeting is justified because of the college’s alleged acts of discrimination, both with regard to allegations of anti-Semitism on its campus and the Supreme Court’s 2023 finding in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard that its admissions program was racially discriminatory. They point to the Court’s 1983 decision in Bob Jones University v. United States, in which it upheld the IRS’s decision to strip that university’s tax exemption because of its rules banning interracial dating and marriage.

    However, the Court emphasized in that case that revoking tax-exempt status is a “sensitive” decision that should be made only when there is “no doubt” that an organization violates fundamental and longstanding federal policy, emphasizing policy agreement among all branches of government. Federal attention to Bob Jones University’s tax-exempt status spanned four different presidential administrations and left the public no reason to think the grounds for revocation were pretextual. Today, by contrast, the president is explicitly targeting a university specifically for its expression and ideological reasons.

    In the more than four decades since the Bob Jones decision, it appears that no college or university has ever faced the loss of their tax exempt status over race discrimination. Both Republican and Democratic administrations have instead addressed such allegations according to the regulations implementing Title VI, which require that the government first attempt to voluntarily resolve complaints and only allows resolution through financial penalties or “other means authorized by law” after those efforts have failed, followed by formal notice and a waiting period.

    FIRE staunchly opposes any governmental attempt to coerce educational institutions into ideological conformity. But the stakes here extend far beyond campus. Trump’s threat to revoke Harvard’s 501(c)(3) status doesn’t just endanger academic freedom — it sets a dangerous precedent for all nonprofits whose speech may fall out of favor with those in power. Institutions across the ideological and cultural spectrum may suddenly find themselves in the crosshairs, from the Heritage Foundation to the Center for American Progress, from Planned Parenthood to the National Right to Life Committee, from your local church to the animal shelter — and, yes, even FIRE.

    Turning the tax code into a weapon against disfavored viewpoints is a dangerous departure from our nation’s core values. President Trump and many in his administration have echoed this view over the years, and for good reason. They should not now abandon it on the altar of political expediency.

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