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  • 5 Strategies to Create Inclusive Learning Environments for International Students – Faculty Focus

    5 Strategies to Create Inclusive Learning Environments for International Students – Faculty Focus

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  • Did union fights for better conditions unintentionally casualise the workforce? – Campus Review

    Did union fights for better conditions unintentionally casualise the workforce? – Campus Review

    A new research paper has investigated the factors that have “legitimised” the creation and acceptance of a casual academic workforce in Australia.

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  • Banks to waive HECS-HELP loans in mortgage applications – Campus Review

    Banks to waive HECS-HELP loans in mortgage applications – Campus Review

    People with student debt can now borrow more for a house as new government guidance filters through to the banks.

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  • Data breach affects 10,000 Western Sydney University students – Campus Review

    Data breach affects 10,000 Western Sydney University students – Campus Review

    Students from Western Sydney University (WSU) have had their data accessed and likely posted to the dark web in a data breach event.

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  • Trusting students and reducing barriers by abolishing penalties for late work

    Trusting students and reducing barriers by abolishing penalties for late work

    Universities, wonderful as they are, can be very complicated.

    The way that we operate can often be confusing for students, not least because some of our expectations and traditions are hidden and unspoken – even more so for students who enter higher education from historically underrepresented backgrounds.

    Indeed, revealing the so-called hidden curriculum in higher education is a common means by which we try to eliminate gaps in access and outcome.

    But there are also times when, as a sector, we should be more critical of the way we do things, whether those practices are hidden or unhidden.

    Here we want to share an example of what happens when you challenge orthodoxy, and why we think we should do this more often.

    Assessment penalties

    If you spend some time reviewing UK university policies on assessment and examination, you will find that it is almost universally the case that there are penalties associated with late or non-submission.

    Typically, this involves a deduction of marks. Sometimes late submissions will be capped at a pass, other times the deduction is linked to the degree of lateness. Similarly, students who fail to submit an assessment or sit an exam will often find that their next attempt at resit will be capped.

    Of course, institutions do recognise that there may be lots of good reasons why students cannot meet deadlines, and so alongside these penalties, we also have Extenuating or Mitigating Circumstances processes. In short, if a student tells us the reason they were late or could not submit, then they may be exempted from those penalties if the reasons meet our established criteria.

    What is far harder to find is any robust explanation, in written form, of why these penalties exist in the first place. There is much received wisdom (as you would expect, for a sector so steeped in tradition) for why we have these penalties, which – in our experience – typically falls into two categories.

    The first justification is about using penalties to disincentivise lateness or non-submission. If students know they will lose marks, that will ensure that most submit on time. The second justification is about fairness. If you submit late, you are getting more time than other students, so you should not receive a higher mark as a result of this presumed advantage. Each of these justifications could be debated endlessly, but we don’t intend to do that here.

    Questioning the received wisdom

    The reason we began to question the wisdom of capping students who submitted their work late, or who needed to use their resit attempt, was prompted by insights which emerged from work led by our SU. Over the past few years, our SU has been supporting students who needed to complete resits by calling them to ensure that they understood what they needed to get done, and had access to the support they needed. In itself, this initiative has been very impactful, and we are seeing year-on-year improvements in student pass rates.

    However, this initiative also gave our students a chance to share their own insights into why they found themselves having to resit assessments. In plain terms, our students were telling us – we are overwhelmed.

    Students who did not submit assignments were not being tactical or lazy, or trying to gain an advantage over others. They were simply not able to get all of the work done that we required in the time given – despite substantial efforts we have already made over the last few years to ensure we are not over-assessing.

    At the same time, we had been aware for some time that our students were using our Extenuating Circumstances (ECs) process extensively. Thousands of valid claims were made by students each year, which we processed and – for the substantial majority – supported.

    This meant that our students who were submitting late or completing resits were not, for the most part, actually being subjected to marking caps. Perhaps we could have stopped there, reflecting that this reflects a system working as it was designed to work: students with valid reasons for late submission should not be capped; we had a system which allowed students to make such claims to avoid penalties; and it seemed the system was well-used.

    What we could not shake, however, was a sense that this all seemed quite unnecessary – layers of bureaucracy needing to exist to ensure that students who did not deserve to have an academic penalty applied to their mark, while the very existence of the possibility of this penalty was entirely our own decision. We asked ourselves what would happen if we simply removed marking penalties for late and non-submissions? If students were awarded a mark based solely on the content of their submission? If we created a late submission window for every deadline, and allowed students to manage their own time?

    We took this idea to a panel of our students, and were intrigued to hear their views. Overwhelmingly, they felt this would be a good idea. The stress of having to apply for extra time, often close to a deadline if some unexpected problem had arisen which threatened their ability to submit on time, was something students felt would be alleviated by this change. They also reflected that, for the most part, students are inherently motivated to try and meet their deadlines, and aren’t simply trying to game the system and find loopholes.

    Yes but

    Concerns about this change came from internal and external consultation with colleagues. While in principle wanting to support the idea, it was difficult to shake the concerns that 1) without a penalty for late submission, students would simply treat the last day of the late submission window as their new deadline, and 2) if resits were not penalised with a cap, many students would choose to not submit at the first attempt and defer their submission to a later date.

    We also had to consider, if these outcomes came to pass, the impact on staff workloads and marking turnaround times. With these concerns in mind, taking a careful approach to how we communicated changes to students and putting in place contingencies for managing impacts on workloads, we ultimately decided to take the plunge, and at the start of the 24/25 academic year we removed marking caps for late and non-submission. Then we kept a close eye on what happened next.

    What happened next is that our students did what we believed and hoped they would.

    Across the first semester this year, we have actually seen a small decline in the percentage of late submissions – with only 12.22% of work submitted being submitted within the 5 working day late submission window.

    All other work was submitted on or before the main deadline. By comparison, in 23/24 12.32% was submitted late, and 12.41% in 22/23, so it is perhaps more accurate to say that there has been no change in late submissions.

    But this was, of course, accompanied by a dramatic reduction in the number of times that students have had to request the option to submit late through our ECs process (and then worry about whether this request would be supported).

    These claims have reduced by 154 per cent, thereby also alleviating a huge administrative burden on our colleagues who have to process these claims. In short, students who in previous years needed extra time have been able to access it without having to ask, and removing the threat of a marking penalty has not increased the proportion of students submitting their work late.

    The concern that if students were not capped for non-submission then they might defer sitting exams has also proven unfounded. In fact, we have seen a 5 per cent increase in the number of students attempting their exam first time. In numerical terms, we had 370 fewer students failing to attend an exam during our January exam period.

    Student success

    While it is reassuring to have found that this change in policy has not led to any significant change in students’ engagement with deadlines and assessments, more importantly we also wanted to know whether our students were more likely to succeed.

    The data quoted above could have masked another issue, whereby students who did submit work were no more likely to submit past the deadline, but perhaps more students were not submitting at the first attempt and instead were deferring to their resit period.

    To explore this issue, we compared first time pass rates for first semester assessments to the previous academic year. This has revealed a 4.3 per cent improvement in pass rates at first attempt, with the biggest improvement of 6 per cent for our first-year undergraduates.

    When looked at by student characteristic, we have also seen the greatest degree of improvement for our ABMO students and our male students, who have historically been more likely to not pass assessments at their first attempt.

    Statistics aside, in human terms, this change in policy (which sits within a wider context of strategic initiatives we have in place to improve student outcomes for all of our students) is associated with us having 604 more students who have passed at their first attempt this year, than we would have had if pass rates had stayed the same as last year.

    With regard to concerns about the impact of this change on staff workloads, having more students passing first time also means a reduction in resit marking later in the academic year.

    Complex challenges

    For those interested in the practicalities of our new approach, we still have an Extenuating Circumstances procedure, but this is now intended as a mechanism for students to let us know about more complex challenges where a few days extra time would be inadequate to help them successfully engage with their assessments.

    We have also made clear to students that late submitted work is still recorded as being late (but with no marking penalty applied), and if students continually submit work late we will – in a supportive manner – reach out to find out if they need more or different support from us.

    We will continue to monitor the impact of these changes, in particular to understand whether there is any overall impact on student outcomes over the full year and beyond – particularly outcome gaps for different groups of students. But so far, our experience has been that making a change which initially seemed quite radical has simply served to make life easier for our students when they are already working so hard to access and participate in education.

    It is also important to recognise that extra time in itself is not a panacea for improving student outcomes, despite it being the most common form of adjustment offered to disabled students.

    By making this change in our approach, we were simply trying to make this very simple accommodation immediately available to any student who needs it, for whatever reason.

    This massively reduces a large administrative burden on the university, and frees us up to focus on more personalised forms of support, for students who need more than a few extra days to complete an assignment.

    The reason we are keen to share this with the sector is that we think it is a good example of how we can better support our students by challenging our own self-imposed orthodoxy. It is great to think that we have been able to reduce the anxiety associated with missing deadlines, without having to worry that our students will cynically use this change to game the system.

    We strongly believe that our students are inherently motivated to engage with their studies and do the best they can, and we think it is our job to make sure we are not getting in the way of them doing that.

    If, in the process, we can cut out unnecessary administration and bureaucracy for ourselves, then so much the better.

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  • Whose job is saving the planet anyway?

    Whose job is saving the planet anyway?

    The climate crisis is accelerating uncontrollably with consequences already being seen across the globe, and an increasingly worrying picture emerging for future generations.

    As the professionals of these generations emerge, shouldn’t we equip them with the knowledge and skills to be able to combat the worst of the impacts and steer the planet to a more sustainable future?

    Equipping and empowering these generations is crucial – and so embedding climate and sustainability education into higher education curricula is an urgent priority.

    But who should be taking the lead in this shift – government, PSRBs (Professional Standards and Regulatory Bodies), or providers?

    Each stakeholder has an obvious role to play, yet neither our government, nor regulatory bodies or institutions as collectives, are taking the lead.

    Is the question of responsibility far from straightforward, or simply being shied away from?

    The government?

    All four governments have a vested interest in ensuring that graduates are prepared to address the challenges of climate change. But with a legally binding commitment to Net Zero by 2050, government must diversify its methods in reaching a sustainable future.

    However, current strategies like the Department for Education’s Sustainability and Climate Change Strategy primarily target primary and secondary schools, leaving higher education institutions without clear, enforceable directives.

    A legal requirement for embedding climate and sustainability education would prevent reliance on individual universities’ goodwill. Instead, regardless of discipline or institution, all students would be empowered to face the effects of climate change.

    A mandate should not exist in isolation – it should come with a commitment to increase funding in this area. As universities become poorer, their reliance on tuition fees and high Research Excellence Framework ratings becomes ever more important.

    Through a rollout of funding-linked incentives, such as tying research grants to sustainability criteria, universities would be encouraged further to prioritise meaningful and effective integration.

    If the government is serious about its Net Zero commitments, it must recognise that climate education is not an optional add-on but a fundamental component of teaching and learning across all sectors.

    Without proactive intervention, be that through legislation or financial incentive, the next generation of professionals will be unprepared for the challenges ahead. In its pursuit of carbon neutrality, the government must recognise the requirement to give the UK workforce meaningful education and training. The likelihood of reaching an ambitious goal is dramatically increased if everyone knows just how they can contribute towards it.

    PSRBSs?

    Those that regulate disciplines and the education of professions are well-placed to ensure consistency in sustainability education within professional disciplines and have the knowledge to effectively mandate academics to integrate relevant, employable attributes into programmes.

    Positive examples of progress are already being observed – in February 2024, several key officials from PRSBs attended a consultation with St George’s House focusing on the integration of sustainability into professional education and standards.

    Amongst other points around the importance of youth voice, cocreation, and a need for wider systemic change, it was agreed amongst participants that sustainability and climate education must be integrated into internal policies, training programs, and professional standards.

    The PRSBs committed to engage further with the Professional Bodies Climate Action Charter and utilise review cycles to embed sustainability into benchmark standards.

    But without a legislative mandate the window for a lack of regulatory coherence swings wide open.

    The General Medical Council, for example, began integrating similar initiatives in 2019. They have been at the forefront for a while yet others continue to lag behind. It’s not only our doctors that require this crucial education – everyone has a part to play, and all students deserve parity of education and experience.

    Regardless of industry or interest, every PSRB needs to commit collectively to meaningful integration.

    For bodies whose purpose is to ensure programmes provide the knowledge, skills, and professional standards required for entry into a given profession, it is clear why climate and sustainability education should be a key part of their criteria.

    As industries transform in their response to the climate emergency, they are becoming evermore complex. Soon, environmental challenges, business practise, and regulatory adherence will be so embedded into industries that they will be unavoidable.

    If PSRBs aren’t ensuring programmes cater to this shift, then are they remaining truly fit for purpose?

    Universities?

    Higher education is at the forefront of innovation. Ranks of incredible academic staff give them capacity to integrate cutting-edge research across their curricula.

    These institutions also offer a unique flexibility in that, unlike broad guidelines, they are able to evolve and adapt programmes quickly to reflect the latest developments of sustainability practise and climate change.

    Falmouth University has developed an incredible approach through its Falmouth Curriculum Ladder (FCL). The FCL is an evidence-informed strategy that enables academics to reform their teaching, redesign course handbooks – educating academics; providing a clear and transparent framework; and continuously reviewing practise make the approach’s three key principles.

    Its consultative approach has been central to the initiative’s success and has ensured climate and sustainability education is not only academically rigorous, but also relevant and engaging.

    However, institutional autonomy means that universities can operate in a fragmented landscape whereby some embed climate and sustainability education meaningfully and others see the term as a tick in a box, even if they claim to do otherwise (see term “Greenwashing”).

    Lancaster University recently embarked on a “Curriculum Transformation Programme” whereby innovation and sustainability is one of four foundational principles. This is promising prima facie, but a simple skim through their education framework exposes a tokenistic nature whereby environmental sustainability has been shoehorned into a small corner within a smaller alcove.

    Without expert support, and robust processes for the effective scrutiny of provision, programme teams risk giving little meaningful thought to the evolving climate emergency.

    Without incentives from elsewhere, universities are allowed to do this scot-free. This is wholly unimpactful and further adds to a lack of parity across UK-wide student experience.

    The empowerment of whole generations cannot come from a handful of well-intentioned institutions. So, similar to the landscape for PSRBs, universities must work together to collectively commit to effective, meaningful embedment to ensure widely impactful change.

    A collaborative approach

    Unsurprisingly then, a collaborative approach is key. Government, regulators, and universities all have distinct yet interconnected roles to play in shaping humanity’s next move.

    The government should be moving the climate emergency up its agenda, and in doing so should mandate universities to integrate climate and sustainability education across all disciplines, ensuring at least a consistent standard of meaningful embedment across the sector.

    PRSBs should embed climate competencies into professional standards with the implementation of such measures being adaptable to the unique needs of different industries.

    Greater collaboration and knowledge sharing between regulators and universities would facilitate a more seamless integration of climate and sustainability education into teaching and professional development. This would also allow universities to retain their academic freedom of which often sprites fantastically innovative initiatives.

    Ultimately, it is only ever going to be through a wholly collaborative and coordinated approach that the next generations can be equipped to navigate and tackle climate change.

    Urgency demands action, and a joint commitment to systemic change is key to ensuring the professionals of tomorrow are ready to tackle the challenges that we are already facing today.

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  • Why History Instruction is Critical for Combating Online Misinformation – The 74

    Why History Instruction is Critical for Combating Online Misinformation – The 74

    Can you tell fact from fiction online? In a digital world, few questions are more important or more challenging.

    For years, some commentators have called for K-12 teachers to take on fake news, media literacy, or online misinformation by doubling down on critical thinking. This push for schools to do a better job preparing young people to differentiate between low- and high-quality information often focuses on social studies classes.

    As an education researcher and former high school history teacher, I know that there’s both good and bad news about combating misinformation in the classroom. History class can cultivate critical thinking – but only if teachers and schools understand what critical thinking really means.

    Not just a ‘skill’

    First, the bad news.

    When people demand that schools teach critical thinking, it’s not always clear what they mean. Some might consider critical thinking a trait or capacity that teachers can encourage, like creativity or grit. They could believe that critical thinking is a mindset: a habit of being curious, skeptical and reflective. Or they might be referring to specific skills – for instance, that students should learn a set of steps to take to assess information online.

    Unfortunately, cognitive science research has shown that critical thinking is not an abstract quality or practice that can be developed on its own. Cognitive scientists see critical thinking as a specific kind of reasoning that involves problem-solving and making sound judgments. It can be learned, but it relies on specific content knowledge and does not necessarily transfer between fields.

    Early studies on chess players and physicists in the 1970s and ’80s helped show how the kind of flexible and reflective cognition often called critical thinking is really a product of expertise. Chess masters, for instance, do not start out with innate talent. In most cases, they gain expertise by hours of thoughtfully playing the game. This deliberate practice helps them recognize patterns and think in novel ways about chess. Chess masters’ critical thinking is a product of learning, not a precursor.

    Because critical thinking develops in specific contexts, it does not necessarily transfer to other types of problem-solving. For example, chess advocates might hope the game improves players’ intelligence, and studies do suggest learning chess may help elementary students with the kind of pattern recognition they need for early math lessons. However, research has found that being a great chess player does not make people better at other kinds of complex critical thinking.

    Historical thinking

    Since context is key to critical thinking, learning to analyze information about current events likely requires knowledge about politics and history, as well as practice at scrutinizing sources. Fortunately, that is what social studies classes are for.

    Social studies researchers often describe this kind of critical thinking as “historical thinking”: a way to evaluate evidence about the past and assess its reliability. My own research has shown that high school students can make relatively quick progress on some of the surface features of historical thinking, such as learning to check a text’s date and author. But the deep questioning involved in true historical thinking is much harder to learn.

    Social studies classrooms can also build what researchers call “civic online reasoning.” Fact-checking is complex work. It is not enough to tell young people that they should be wary online, or to trust sites that end in “.org” instead of “.com.” Rather than learning general principles about online media, civic online reasoning teaches students specific skills for evaluating information about politics and social issues.

    Still, learning to think like a historian does not necessarily prepare someone to be a skeptical news consumer. Indeed, a recent study found that professional historians performed worse than professional fact-checkers at identifying online misinformation. The misinformation tasks the historians struggled with focused on issues such as bullying or the minimum wage – areas where they possessed little expertise.

    Powerful knowledge

    That’s where background knowledge comes in – and the good news is that social studies can build it. All literacy relies on what readers already know. For people wading through political information and news, knowledge about history and civics is like a key in the ignition for their analytical skills.

    Readers without much historical knowledge may miss clues that something isn’t right – signs that they need to scrutinize the source more closely. Political misinformation often weaponizes historical falsehoods, such as the debunked and recalled Christian nationalist book claiming that Thomas Jefferson did not believe in a separation of church and state, or claims that the nadir of African American life came during Reconstruction, not slavery. Those claims are extreme, but politicians and policymakers repeat them.

    For someone who knows basic facts about American history, those claims won’t sit right. Background knowledge will trigger their skepticism and kick critical thinking into gear.

    Past, present, future

    For this reason, the best approach to media literacy will come through teaching that fosters concrete skills alongside historical knowledge. In short, the new knowledge crisis points to the importance of the traditional social studies classroom.

    But it’s a tenuous moment for history education. The Bush- and Obama-era emphasis on math and English testing resulted in decreased instructional time in history classes, particularly in elementary and middle schools. In one 2005 study, 27% of schools reported reducing social studies time in favor of subjects on state exams.

    Now, history teachers are feeling heat from politically motivated culture wars over education that target teaching about racism and LGBTQ+ issues and that ban books from libraries and classrooms. Two-thirds of instructors say that they’ve limited classroom discussions about social and political topics.

    Attempts to limit students’ knowledge about the past imperil their chances of being able to think critically about new information. These attacks are not just assaults on the history of the country; they are attempts to control its future.

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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  • Harvard Faculty, AAUP Challenge Trump Administration’s $8.7 Billion Funding Threat

    Harvard Faculty, AAUP Challenge Trump Administration’s $8.7 Billion Funding Threat

    In what legal experts are calling a landmark case for academic freedom, Harvard faculty and the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) have filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration, alleging unconstitutional attempts to control campus speech and governance through threatened funding cuts.

    The legal action, filed Friday, seeks to block the administration from withholding $8.7 billion in federal funding for Harvard University and its affiliated hospitals after demands that the university implement specific policy changes and restructure its operations.

    According to court documents, the administration’s Joint Task Force to Combat Anti-Semitism issued a demand letter on April 3 outlining “immediate next steps” Harvard must take to maintain its “financial relationship with the United States government.” These demands reportedly extend far beyond addressing antisemitism, including new speech restrictions, elimination of all diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, and mandatory cooperation with the Department of Homeland Security.

    “The First Amendment does not permit government officials to use the power of their office to silence critics and suppress speech they don’t like,” said Andrew Manuel Crespo, Morris Wasserstein Professor of Law at Harvard and general counsel of the AAUP-Harvard Faculty Chapter. “Harvard faculty have the constitutional right to speak, teach, and conduct research without fearing that the government will retaliate against their viewpoints by canceling grants.”

    The lawsuit comes after the task force chair announced on Fox News in March that “the academic system in this country has been hijacked by the left, has been hijacked by the Marxists,” and threatened to “bankrupt these universities” by removing federal funding.

    Harvard professors involved in the lawsuit claim the administration’s threats have already begun to impact academic freedom on campus.

    “The research and teaching of Harvard faculty have already been chilled by the Trump administration’s attempt to coerce the university into changing its curriculum and governing structure,” said Dr. Kirsten Weld, professor of History and president of the AAUP-Harvard Faculty Chapter. “If Trump can threaten to withhold billions of dollars from our colleagues unless we stop teaching about diversity and inclusion, he can make the same threat to try and stop us from teaching about science, his critics, or anything else.”

    The plaintiffs have requested an immediate temporary restraining order to prevent any funding cuts while the case proceeds.

    The AAUP warns that allowing such governmental intrusion at Harvard could set a dangerous precedent for institutions nationwide.

    “Our students and faculty members across the nation are terrified,” said Veena Dubal, AAUP General Counsel. “If the administration’s lawless and unconstitutional attempts to control speech and governance at Harvard are allowed to proceed, then any one of our institutions could be next.”

    Dr. Todd Wolfson, president of the AAUP, characterized the administration’s actions as “an attack on democracy and economic mobility” with harms that “will be so irreparable that they will last generations.”

    At the heart of the case is whether the federal government can legally condition billions in funding on compliance with policy demands that appear to target specific viewpoints and academic content.

    Nikolas Bowie, Louis D. Brandeis Professor of Law at Harvard and secretary-treasurer of the AAUP-Harvard Faculty Chapter, argues there is no legal basis for the administration’s actions.

    “No law in this country permits President Trump to suspend billions of dollars from universities like Penn, Princeton, or Harvard simply because he doesn’t like their policies on transgender athletes, their research on climate change, or the constitutionally protected speech of their students and faculty.”

    Legal experts note that the case could potentially reach the United States Supreme Court, given its significant First Amendment and separation of powers implications.

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  • Supporting disabled women in academia matters. Here’s why

    Supporting disabled women in academia matters. Here’s why

    In March 2024 on International Women’s Day, I launched the Disabled Women in Academia Group.

    It is a sub-group of the National Association of Disabled Staff Networks (NADSN) – for those who identify as a woman (or non-binary) at any career stage and from any area working in universities.

    The group – set up with the support of Jacquie Nicholson and Hamied Haroon, Vice Chair and Chair of NADSN, aims to provide an inclusive space where all women feel they can join if they wish.

    Sessions take place online and each session focuses on a specific topic, or we have a guest speaker.

    I set up the group because I felt there was a gap in the market. While we already had schemes like Aurora and the Women in Academia Support Network, there wasn’t a specific space for disabled women to meet. Data from Advance HE (2024) clearly indicates both women and disabled individuals are underrepresented in senior roles at universities.

    Given this, it is therefore apparent that disabled women are going to be even more underrepresented in these roles.

    Of course, not everyone wishes to hold a senior role in a university, but disabled women deserve the right to thrive as much in the university setting as other groups.

    Leadership and aspiration

    A second reason I wished to set up the group was to enable disabled women to develop a sense that they could be leaders if that’s what they aspired to be.

    There are already leadership schemes like Aurora for women, 100 Black Women Professors NOW by the Women in Higher Education Network, and Calibre, a leadership programme to support disabled staff in higher education and the NHS.

    While this is not a formalised leadership programme or scheme, we do have discussions around leadership and career progression within our sessions. We need to be having these discussions as it is often the case that disabled women are perceived by others as less able due to the ableist nature of academia.

    Jacinda Arden in her role as New Zealand’s Prime Minister redefined what leadership is for women and demonstrated that leaders could have those traits of compassion, show emotion, and remain effective leaders. Such groups like the Disabled Women in Academia Group create that safe space when we are engaging in that process.

    The group has run for a year now and it is one of the things I most enjoy doing. I get to meet lots of different women, and we have built up a real sense of collegiality.

    I have learnt a lot about the challenges we face as disabled women and strategies to address those challenges. I have learnt about the importance of leadership and that the higher education sector needs people to be working together to bring about real change to support students and staff (see NADSN’s RIDE Higher which is developing a framework to support disabled staff in higher education institutions).

    The costs of coordination

    However, this advocacy work, on behalf of ourselves and others carries with it an emotional cost. A colleague mentioned to me a book by Katherine May ‘Wintering: The Power of Rest and Retreat in Uncertain Times’.

    Having a disability or chronic illness can bring with it uncertainty, especially if symptoms are unpredictable or we are awaiting medical treatment.

    During these times we may need to engage in a period of “wintering” – here I am not referring to the actual season of winter – Katherine May uses it as a metaphor and acknowledges we can “winter” anytime, where we focus on ourselves and develop strategies that work for us, replenish our resources and subsequently come out in the spring rejuvenated and ready to face the world again.

    For me, the Disabled Women in Academia Group provides a safe space to do this and fuels my hope of a more equitable environment for disabled women going forward.

    Acknowledgments: Thanks to Jacquie Nicholson and Dr Hamied Haroon for comments on an earlier version and supporting the work of the Disabled Women in Academia Group.

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  • ‘Economically Reckless’ Businesses Slam Bill to Bar Immigrant Kids From School – The 74

    ‘Economically Reckless’ Businesses Slam Bill to Bar Immigrant Kids From School – The 74


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    More than two dozen Chattanooga business owners are condemning a bill to require student immigration background checks in Tennessee’s public schools as “economically reckless.”

    The Tennessee Small Business Alliance represents restaurants, real estate firms, retail stores and other local employers operating within the district represented by Sen. Bo Watson.

    Watson, a Republican, is cosponsoring the legislation to require proof of legal residence to enroll in public K-12 and charter schools.  The bill would also give public schools the option of charging tuition to the families of children unable to prove they legally reside in the United States – or to deny them the right to a public education altogether.

    House Leader William Lamberth of Gallatin is a co-sponsor of the bill, which has drawn significant — but not unanimous — support from fellow Tennessee Republicans. Lamberth’s version of the bill differs from Watson’s in that it would make it optional — rather than mandatory — to check students’ immigration status in all of Tennessee’s more than 1700 public schools.

    The bill, one of the most controversial being considered during the 2025 Legislative session, has significant momentum as the Legislature winds down for the year even as it has drawn raucous protests at times.  The legislation will next be debated on Monday in a House committee.

    A statement released by the business alliance described the legislation as a “political stunt that’s cruel, economically reckless, and completely out of step with local values.”

    Citing estimates compiled by the nonprofit advocacy organization, American Immigration Council, the statement noted that more than 430,000 immigrants in Tennessee paid $4.4 billion in taxes – more than $10,000 per immigrant.

    Watson, in an emailed statement from Chattanooga public relations firm Waterhouse Public Relations, said his bill “raises important questions about the financial responsibility of educating undocumented students in Tennessee—questions that have long gone unaddressed.”

    The statement said the Supreme Court’s 1982 decision in Plyler v. Doe, which established the right to a public school education for all children regardless of immigration status, has “never been re-examined in the context of today’s challenges.” The statement said Watson is committed to a “transparent, fact-driven discussion about how Tennessee allocates its educational resources and how federal mandates impact our state’s budget and priorities.”

    Watson has previously also said the legislation was prompted, in part, by the rising costs of English-language instruction in the state’s public schools.

    Democrats have criticized that argument as based on inaccurate assumptions that English language learners lack legal immigration status.

    Kelly Fitzgerald, founder of a Chattanooga co-working business and one of 27 employers that signed onto the statement of condemnation, criticized lawmakers.

    “Do our representatives believe that undocumented children — who had no say in their immigration status — should be denied a public education, even though their families already pay taxes that fund our schools?” said Fitzgerald, whose own children attend Hamilton County Public schools

    “My children are receiving a great education in our public schools, and I want every child to have the same rights and opportunities as mine do,” she said.

    “In my opinion, this is not something our legislators should be spending their resources on when there are much larger issues at hand in the current environment,” she said. “We should leave children out of the conversation.”

    Tennessee Lookout is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Tennessee Lookout maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Holly McCall for questions: [email protected].


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