Tag: Action

  • Trump Signs Executive Order Ending DEI Programs Including Affirmative Action

    Trump Signs Executive Order Ending DEI Programs Including Affirmative Action

    by CUPA-HR | January 22, 2025

    On January 22, President Trump signed an executive order (EO) titled “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity.” The EO directs all federal agencies to “terminate all discriminatory and illegal preferences, mandates, policies, programs, activities, guidance, regulations, enforcement actions, consent orders, and requirements,” to enforce “longstanding civil rights laws,” and to “combat illegal private-sector DEI preferences, mandates, policies, programs, and activities.” The White House also published a fact sheet to supplement the order.

    The EO lists several other executive orders that the Trump administration is revoking. Notably, the Trump EO revokes executive order 11246, titled “Equal Employment Opportunity,” which has required federal contractors to have affirmative action plans since 1965. Additionally, the EO orders the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) at the Department of Labor (DOL) to immediately cease “promoting diversity,” “holding federal contractors and subcontractors responsible for taking ‘affirmative action,’” and “allowing or encouraging federal contractors or subcontractors to engage in workforce balancing based on race, color, sex, sexual preference, religion, or national origin.” Both of these actions are explained by the EO to streamline the federal contracting process “to enhance speed and efficiency, reduce costs, and require federal contractors and subcontractors to comply with our civil rights laws.”

    The EO also directs each federal agency to include in every federal contract or grant award a term requiring a contractual counterparty or grant recipient to agree that it is in compliance with all applicable federal anti-discrimination laws and a term requiring the counterparty or recipient to certify that it does not operate “any programs promoting DEI that violate any applicable federal antidiscrimination laws.”

    The EO also includes orders to encourage the private sector to cease DEI programs and initiatives. Specifically, the EO directs the attorney general, in consultation with other relevant agencies, to promulgate a report with recommendations to enforce civil rights laws and encourage the private sector to end DEI practices. The report is required to identify “the most egregious and discriminatory DEI practitioners in each sector of concern.” It also requires each agency to identify up to nine potential civil compliance investigations as a way to deter DEI programs or principles. The EO lists institutions of higher education with endowments over $1 billion as potential targets for the civil compliance investigations.

    Finally, the EO directs the attorney general and secretary of education to issue guidance to state and local educational agencies and institutions of higher education that receive federal dollars or participate in the Title IV federal student loan assistance program regarding “the measures and practices required to comply with Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College.”

    The EO will have widespread implications for federal contractors in the higher education community. CUPA-HR will share further developments on this EO as they are released.



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  • Trump Signs Executive Order Ending DEI Programs Including Affirmative Action

    Trump Signs Executive Order Ending DEI Programs Including Affirmative Action

    by CUPA-HR | January 22, 2025

    On January 22, President Trump signed an executive order (EO) titled “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity.” The EO directs all federal agencies to “terminate all discriminatory and illegal preferences, mandates, policies, programs, activities, guidance, regulations, enforcement actions, consent orders, and requirements,” to enforce “longstanding civil rights laws,” and to “combat illegal private-sector DEI preferences, mandates, policies, programs, and activities.” The White House also published a fact sheet to supplement the order.

    The EO lists several other executive orders that the Trump administration is revoking. Notably, the Trump EO revokes executive order 11246, titled “Equal Employment Opportunity,” which has required federal contractors to have affirmative action plans since 1965. Additionally, the EO orders the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) at the Department of Labor (DOL) to immediately cease “promoting diversity,” “holding federal contractors and subcontractors responsible for taking ‘affirmative action,’” and “allowing or encouraging federal contractors or subcontractors to engage in workforce balancing based on race, color, sex, sexual preference, religion, or national origin.” Both of these actions are explained by the EO to streamline the federal contracting process “to enhance speed and efficiency, reduce costs, and require federal contractors and subcontractors to comply with our civil rights laws.”

    The EO also directs each federal agency to include in every federal contract or grant award a term requiring a contractual counterparty or grant recipient to agree that it is in compliance with all applicable federal anti-discrimination laws and a term requiring the counterparty or recipient to certify that it does not operate “any programs promoting DEI that violate any applicable federal antidiscrimination laws.”

    The EO also includes orders to encourage the private sector to cease DEI programs and initiatives. Specifically, the EO directs the attorney general, in consultation with other relevant agencies, to promulgate a report with recommendations to enforce civil rights laws and encourage the private sector to end DEI practices. The report is required to identify “the most egregious and discriminatory DEI practitioners in each sector of concern.” It also requires each agency to identify up to nine potential civil compliance investigations as a way to deter DEI programs or principles. The EO lists institutions of higher education with endowments over $1 billion as potential targets for the civil compliance investigations.

    Finally, the EO directs the attorney general and secretary of education to issue guidance to state and local educational agencies and institutions of higher education that receive federal dollars or participate in the Title IV federal student loan assistance program regarding “the measures and practices required to comply with Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College.”

    The EO will have widespread implications for federal contractors in the higher education community. CUPA-HR will share further developments on this EO as they are released.



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  • Poor Harvard Numbers Show Impact of SCOTUS Affirmative Action Ruling

    Poor Harvard Numbers Show Impact of SCOTUS Affirmative Action Ruling

    No one feels like confirming nor denying how affirmative action’s death is destroying a sense of inclusion in higher ed.Emil Guillermo

    But make no mistake, the destruction is under way. 

    Harvard College sent out letters to its early admits, but hasn’t disclosed what the demographics are yet for this year. Waiting until all the admits are sent out in the Spring buys them time to make excuses. But Harvard Law has issued its numbers and the alarm bells should be going off. There were just 19 first year Black students, 3.4 percent of the Harvard Law school class, according to data from the American Bar Association, as reported by the New York Times. It’s the lowest number since the 1960s, a period when affirmative action and civil rights was much more in vogue. 

    Woke wasn’t considered a disease back then. People were interested in fighting racist segregation. Inclusion and diversity weren’t institutionalized notions back then. They were the values we hoped would take us out of the darkness. But compare this years 19 Harvard Law admits with the 43 admits from the previous year, and you see the wounds have been reopened. David Wilkins, a Harvard Law professor who has kept tabs on these matters told the Times it was related to the Supreme Court ruling, and its “chilling effect.”

    Since the 60s, the numbers have been around 50-70 a year. And then came this year’s 19. Hispanic students were also lower at 39, 6.9 percent of the class versus 63 students or 11 percent of the class in 2023.

    The big winners in the admissions at Harvard Law? Whites and Asian American students, the latter, the principal plaintiffs in the suit before the court last year.

    Now that we have diminished the game to numbers, the numbers don’t lie. When you can’t address the need of inclusion directly, we leave it up to chance. 

    This year at Harvard Law was not a good year. Harvard miscalculated by not settling with the anti-affirmative action SFAA front and going to court. But that allowed for a right-wing Supreme Court to set the precedent for all schools not just Harvard. Anti-affirmative action advocates will try to put a positive spin on the low numbers, saying it’s not as low as it sounds. They’ll talk about different recording standards set by the A.B.A. There’s also the issue of multi-race students, and those who decline to state. 

    But secretly opponents of affirmative action are gleeful. They got their way. Their court. And last November their president, elected by voters who believe that educational attainment, not race nor class, is the new dividing line in America. The less education the better. Who needs affirmative action?  Let that sink in academia.

    Consider the Harvard Law School numbers the first of many signs to come that will let us know just how fast we are an America in reverse.

    Emil Guillermo is a journalist, commentator, and former adjunct professor. 

     

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  • A Guide to Engagement and Climate Surveys That Inspire Action

    A Guide to Engagement and Climate Surveys That Inspire Action

    by Julie Burrell | October 30, 2024

    Surveys can be a powerful tool for improving workplace culture and employee satisfaction, but they can have unintended consequences if no action planning follows. In fact, the lack of tangible — and rapid — action planning often lead to a cycle of employee disengagement and eroded trust, which results in fewer employees taking future surveys, and ultimately weakens their effectiveness overall.

    But getting surveys right is possible. By implementing targeted surveys and following up with action planning, higher ed workplaces can earn a reputation for valuing employee insights. CUPA-HR’s recent webinar Turning Insights Into Action: Designing and Implementing Impactful Employee Climate/Engagement Surveys explains how to build, or regain, employee trust and confidence in surveys, increase response rates, and create a campus culture in which employees’ perspectives are prized.

    Ask These Two Questions First

    Before launching a survey, ask these critical questions: Does our institution need a survey? And, if the answer is yes, does our institution have the resources to act on the survey results?

    Without a solid “yes” to both questions, consider pausing survey efforts. It’s better not to conduct a survey at all than to conduct one and not follow it with action planning.

    Surveys should also focus on clear objectives, addressing one to three specific topics in depth. They should be topics the institution is ready to act promptly on once the survey is concluded. It’s also best to avoid questions with predictable answers. For example, you may already know that employees want parking that’s both closer and less expensive. Asking more refined or open-ended questions might lead to actionable results. In the case of employee satisfaction around parking, the right question might reveal that safety is a primary concern, something that can be addressed by installing more lighting in lots or strengthening security for employees using parking garages after dark.

    Increase Response Rates by Building Trust

    Effectively communicating the survey rollout and offering incentives can boost completion rates, but responses are ultimately determined by the trust employees have in your institution and the survey process itself.

    Make it anonymous. Clearly communicate how the survey will be kept anonymous and confidential. This is especially important for open-ended or text-based responses. If you’re not using an outside vendor, consider adding a survey analyst to your committee — you probably already have employees with these skills.

    Know that timing is everything. The survey should be sent out at the right time to avoid clashing with other surveys and to steer clear of any big campus plans or events that might skew results (for example, a recently announced capital project like a new stadium). A timely response from leadership is key, as are timelines in action planning. Any follow-up items should have target completion dates.

    Be clear on when and how employees will see the results. Don’t wait for a grand reveal when action items have been completed. This might take months, long after employees remember how they’ve answered survey questions. Instead, publicize the survey results as soon as possible and begin listening sessions to both refine results and include departments and divisions in planning.

    Build in accessibility and offer time to complete it. Consider if you need to translate the survey into multiple languages or if employees working outside of an office might benefit from a hard copy. Encourage supervisors to offer incentives like an early departure after completing the survey and ask them to send calendar invites to block off time for completion.

    Take Action. This is by far the most important way to build trust. The webinar offers concrete processes for building and planning a survey, impact planning (including templates to send to campus leadership for quarterly tracking), ideas for holding listening sessions, and proven employee engagement strategies.

    Discover More Resources for Data-Informed Decisions

    Read the article Employee Engagement/Satisfaction/Climate Assessment: Producing Actionable Results, which offers a six-step guide to creating and implementing effective surveys.

    Explore other webinars in CUPA-HR’s Data and HR series: Data You Can Count On: Using CUPA-HR’s Data Resources for Strategic Decision-Making and Data Visualization and Storytelling Tips and Tools for HR.

     



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  • Supreme Court Rules Against Affirmative Action – CUPA-HR

    Supreme Court Rules Against Affirmative Action – CUPA-HR

    by CUPA-HR | June 29, 2023

    This morning, the Supreme Court issued rulings for the cases Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard and Students for Fair Admissions v. University of North Carolina (UNC), both of which concerned the use of race-based affirmative action in admissions decisions at colleges and universities. The court ruled in favor of Students for Fair Admissions, ultimately striking down the practice of race-conscious admissions decisions on campus.

    The Decision

    In a 6-3 decision written by Chief Justice John Roberts, the court held that Harvard’s and UNC’s admissions programs violate the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. To summarize his arguments, Roberts noted that using a racial classification is only constitutionally permissible if doing furthers a “compelling governmental interest” and is “‘narrowly tai­lored’— meaning ‘necessary’— to achieve that interest.” He added that while “remediating specific, identified instances of past discrimination” can constitute a compelling interest that justifies race-based state action, “ameliorating societal discrimination does not.” Roberts continued by stating that “[u]niversity pro­grams must comply with strict scrutiny …  may never use race as a stereotype or negative, and — at some point — they must end.” He finished by stating the “respondents’ admissions systems — however well intentioned and implemented in good faith — fail each of these criteria [and] therefore [are invalid] under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amend­ment.”

    As an initial matter, Roberts noted that for universities to operate a “race-based admissions programs in a manner that” satisfies constitutional muster, it must be “‘sufficiently measurable to permit judicial [review].’” He found both universities failed to do so, stating:

    “Harvard identifies the following educational benefits that it is pursuing: (1) ‘training future leaders in the public and private sectors’; (2) preparing graduates to ‘adapt to an increasingly pluralistic society’; (3) ‘better educating its students through diversity’; and (4) ‘producing new knowledge stemming from diverse outlooks.’ (…) UNC points to similar benefits, namely, ‘(1) promoting the robust exchange of ideas; (2) broadening and refining understanding; (3) fostering innovation and problem-solving; (4) preparing engaged and productive citizens and leaders; [and] (5) enhancing appreciation, respect, and empathy, cross-racial understanding, and breaking down stereotypes.’ (…) Although these are commendable goals … it is unclear how courts are supposed to measure any of [them].”

    Secondarily, Roberts found the “respondents’ admissions programs fail to articulate a meaningful connection between the means they employ and the goals they pursue,” as well as “how assigning students to (…) racial categories and making admissions decisions based on them furthers the educational benefits that the universities claim to pursue.” Roberts states that “[r]acial classifications are simply too pernicious to permit any but the most exact connection between justification and classification.” On this point, Roberts concluded that the “categories [used by the universities] are themselves imprecise in many ways” and that institutions “would apparently prefer a class with 15% of students from Mexico over a class with 10% of students from several Latin American countries, simply because the former contains more Hispanic students than the latter.”

    Additionally, Roberts states that “race may never be used as a ‘negative’ and that it may not operate as a stereotype,” and he argues the universities’ admissions policies failed because they did both. With respect to the first item, Roberts said “the District Court observed that Harvard’s ‘policy of considering applicants’ race (…) overall results in fewer Asian American and white students being admitted.’” With respect to the stereotypes, he found the policies at issue allocated preference to those “who may have little in common with one another but the color of their skin [and that t]he entire point of the Equal Protection Clause is that treating someone differently because of their skin color is not like treating them differently because they are from a city or from a suburb, or because they play the violin poorly or well.”

    Finally, Roberts found that “admissions programs also lack a ‘logical end point,’ which the majority found was needed under the court’s jurisprudence.

    The chief justice closed his opinion by stating that colleges and universities are not prohibited from considering an applicant’s “discussion of how race affected his or her life, be it through discrimination, inspiration, or otherwise,” but institutions are banned from establishing admissions programs and practices that explicitly consider race. The opinion elaborates, “A benefit to a student who overcame racial discrimination, for example, must be tied to that student’s courage and determination. Or a benefit to a student whose heritage or culture motivated him or her to assume a leadership role or attain a particular goal must be tied to that student’s unique ability to contribute to the university. In other words, the student must be treated based on his or her experiences as an individual — not on the basis of race.”

    Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson issued a dissenting opinion in both cases (To note: Jackson did not take part in considering the decision in the Harvard case due to her previous connection with Harvard College). Sotomayor wrote in the dissenting opinion that the court’s decision “rolls back decades of precedent and momentous progress” and that it “holds that race can no longer be used in a limited way in college admissions to achieve such critical benefits,” which “cements a superficial rule of colorblindness as a constitutional principle in an endemically segregated society where race has always mattered and continues to matter.”

    In August 2022, CUPA-HR joined the American Council on Education and others in filing an amicus brief in support of Harvard and UNC. The brief argued that the Supreme Court should rule in favor of preserving race-conscious affirmative action, as has been made precedent for decades. The brief highlights the value of considering race and ethnicity during the admissions process and the broader impact such initiatives have for institutions’ efforts to increase diversity on campus.

    The Decision

    Prior to the rule’s issuance, stakeholders also raised concerns with the impact the decision could have on employers’ hiring and employment decisions as well as any diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programs or initiatives. Today’s decision to strike down race-based affirmative action in admissions practices could leave employers open to future legal challenges against their hiring decisions and other diversity programs.

    CUPA-HR strongly supports the need to create and sustain diverse, inclusive college and university communities. We’re disappointed that the Supreme Court’s action has limited our efforts. CUPA-HR’s government relations team is further analyzing the decision and will keep members apprised of any additional updates as it relates to these cases.



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