Tag: banning

  • Spain considers banning teens from social media and holding tech executives criminally responsible for ‘hate speech’

    Spain considers banning teens from social media and holding tech executives criminally responsible for ‘hate speech’

    FIRE’s Free Speech Dispatch covers new and continuing censorship trends and challenges around the world. Our goal is to help readers better understand the global context of free expression. Want to make sure you don’t miss an update? Sign up for our newsletter.


    More under-16 bans and Spain’s threat of criminal liability for tech executives

    Spain and Greece are moving toward banning teenagers from social media, following a line of other nations considering the same. But that’s not all. In a speech earlier this month in Dubai, Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez said that CEOs of platforms like X and TikTok “will face criminal liability for failing to remove illegal or hateful content.” Sánchez also promised, among other things, to “turn algorithmic manipulation and amplification of illegal content into a new criminal offense” and to “go after” the actors who create that content “as well as after the platforms whose algorithms amplify the disinformation for profit.” In the United States, Section 230 protects platforms from civil liability for user-generated speech. While Section 230 does not provide protection against federal criminal prosecution, the First Amendment stops the government from making content (and its distribution) illegal just because the government thinks it false or harmful.

    X faces raids and threats of bans in Europe 

    Problematic regulation of online speech and the tech platforms that host it, and the threats of further action like the ones described above, are a common feature in the Free Speech Dispatch given the alarming frequency with which they occur. Last year, French prosecutors opened a criminal investigation into Elon Musk’s X over allegations that the platform’s algorithm and data extraction policies violated French law. Last week, that investigation intensified as prosecutors’ cybercrime unit raided X’s Paris office for alleged offenses including Holocaust denial material, which is illegal in France, and sexualized deepfakes of real people, including minors, generated by the platform’s AI chatbot Grok. Obviously the latter allegation is one that carries legal implications in the United States as well, unlike Holocaust denial, which is protected by the First Amendment. As FIRE’s John Coleman explains, “federal criminal law prohibits knowingly making or sharing child sexual abuse material involving actual children, whether it is created by a camera or with the assistance of AI.” But as FIRE warned when the UK threatened a ban on X earlier this year, countries must seek a careful approach to challenges posed by AI and social media: “Free nations that claim to honor the expressive rights of their citizens must recognize that mass censorship is never an acceptable approach to objectionable content or illegal conduct.” Threats to ban a platform entirely are neither careful nor justified.

    For publishing a newspaper, Jimmy Lai will die in prison

    The sentence is in. Media mogul Jimmy Lai has been sentenced to 20 years in prison under Hong Kong’s oppressive national security law. Along with others who were sentenced to terms six to 10 years for their involvement, Lai was targeted for running Apple Daily, a pro-democracy newspaper critical of Hong Kong and Chinese authorities. Chief Executive John Lee said this week that Lai used the paper to “poison the minds” of Hong Kong. Lai is 78 years old and has suffered declining health in the five years he has already spent in custody. A 20-year sentence will very likely mean that he dies in prison.

    Australian states expand authority to crack down on speech about Israel and Gaza

    Queensland is moving to criminalize the public use of phrases including “from the river to the sea” and “globalise the intifada” under sweeping new hate speech laws introduced in response to the Bondi terror attack. The proposed legislation would make it an offense to distribute, display, or recite proscribed phrases when intended to cause “menace, harassment or offence,” carrying penalties of up to two years in prison.

    Australia blocks social media for teens while UK mulls blasphemy ban

    South Korea rejects a short-lived martial law decree, ‘Wicked’ does not defy local censorship laws, ‘Family Guy’ can’t fly, and Australian breakdancer Raygun threatens legal action over a musical.


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    And in New South Wales, hate speech rules now cover staff at more than 3,000 government, independent, and Catholic schools across the state, giving regulators the power to discipline or dismiss teachers for alleged hate speech even when it occurs outside the classroom or on social media, and without waiting for a criminal charge. The changes were fast-tracked after the Bondi Beach shooting that killed 15 people, with the government framing the move as necessary to protect students and social cohesion. Teachers and civil liberty groups warn the vague standards could chill classroom discussion of Gaza and Palestine.

    China perfectly illustrates the dangers of the UN’s cybercrime treaty

    China’s proposed Cybercrime Prevention and Control Law bill isn’t just about fraud and scams. It also targets “‘spreading fake news and fabricated information’ and publishing information that ‘goes against public order and accepted social morals to gain traffic or advertising revenue.’” That’s what one might also call a censorship bill. And this inclusion of online speech disfavored by the government under the umbrella of “cybercrime” is exactly why FIRE warned that the cybercrime treaty considered by the United Nations, and adopted by 72 member states last year, posed a serious threat to global free speech. 

    Also in China, two independent journalists in southwestern China were detained after publishing an online report alleging corruption by a local official, highlighting the risks of investigative reporting in the country. Authorities accused Liu Hu and Wu Yingjiao of making “false accusations,” detained them, and removed their article from WeChat.

    India widens speech controls through courts, police, and digital regulation

    In India, restrictions on expression continue to emerge across multiple fronts, from judicial warnings and police detentions to sweeping proposals for online regulation. 

    The Karnataka High Court questioned a Kannada television channel over a comedy show episode that allegedly portrayed Hindu gods in a derogatory way, stating that “freedom of speech cannot be used as a shield to hurt religious sentiments.” While granting interim protection from arrest, the court emphasized that creative expression is subject to “reasonable limits,” particularly where religion is concerned. Separately, UK-based YouTuber and doctor Sangram Patil was reportedly detained at Mumbai’s airport over social media posts critical of the Bharatiya Janata Party. 

    At the national level, India’s central government is drafting new IT Digital Code Rules to regulate online content through age ratings, parental controls, and restrictions on obscenity and incitement. Officials have framed the proposal as a way to “protect minors” while balancing free expression, but the rules’ broad standards could expand state control over lawful speech and encourage platforms to over-censor to avoid penalties. 

    Nepal’s proposed film censorship threatens queer storytelling

    In Nepal, queer filmmakers and rights advocates say proposed film censorship rules would require all moving images, including festival screenings, to undergo government approval. Advocates warn the policy would severely restrict artistic freedom and LGBT storytelling. The Film Censorship Board and the Ministry of Information and Communication have temporarily held the policy from enforcement, but could enact it at any time.

    Filmmakers say the proposal, combined with social pressure and police interference, could eliminate remaining spaces for films addressing gender identity and sexuality. One advocate warned that the rules would make it nearly impossible for queer filmmakers to “exist publicly at all.”

    Pakistan escalates digital repression and blasphemy enforcement

    A Pakistani court sentenced prominent human rights lawyer Imaan Mazari and her husband to 17 years in prison over social media posts deemed “anti-state,” including charges of cyber terrorism and spreading false information. Mazari’s arrest over anti-blasphemy law posts sparked protests and strikes in Islamabad, with demonstrators calling her detention “judicial harassment” and demanding her release. Pakistani police arrested Mazari and fellow human rights lawyer Hadi Ali Chattha without a warrant, despite a court order granting relief from arrest.

    Police killings worsen crisis of mob violence against Pakistan’s blasphemers

    Plenty of free speech news out of Europe, the sedition crackdown in Hong Kong, efforts to control discussion of foreign governments in Canada and the U.S.


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    At the same time, rights groups report an increasing use of fabricated digital evidence in blasphemy cases, disproportionately affecting religious minorities. Against this backdrop, two Christian nurses, Mariam Lal and Newosh Arooj, were acquitted of blasphemy charges after more than four years. Advocates called the ruling “rare,” noting that trial courts in Pakistan seldom dismiss blasphemy cases due to extremist pressure.

    The UK’s expanded crackdown on protests about Israel and Gaza

    Pro-Palestinian activist and former Cornell PhD student Momodou Taal alleges UK police detained him for six hours at Heathrow Airport under the Terrorism Act 2000 to ask about his personal history and political views. Taal, whose devices were seized by police, said the stop was “political intimidation” tied to his opposition to the war in Gaza.

    London police arrested two people at a protest for supporting the proscribed group Palestine Action after officers spotted a banner linked to the organization. As FIRE has explained in previous entries, Palestine Action was banned under anti-terrorism laws for damaging military planes in a protest. Simply expressing verbal “support” for the group can also result in an arrest under the same legislation. Activist groups have claimed, though, that the banner was specifically obscured so it did not read “We are all Palestine Action.”

    Veteran rights campaigner Peter Tatchell was also detained at a separate London protest after displaying a placard reading “globalise the intifada.” The UK’s two largest police forces announced late last year that they would begin making arrests over phrases they say cause “increased fear in Jewish communities.”

    Attacks on art and culture in Russia, Cuba, and Egypt

    • In Russia, comedian Artemy Ostanin was sentenced to nearly six years in prison after being convicted of inciting hatred over a joke about a legless war veteran.
    • In Cuba, rapper Fernando Almenares Rivera, known as Nando OBDC, was sentenced to five years in prison for painting banners with pro-human rights slogans, which authorities classified as propaganda against the constitutional order.
    • In Egypt, poet Ahmed Douma was briefly arrested and interrogated over social media posts criticizing prison abuses. Rights groups say the case fits a pattern of repeated investigations and bail demands used to silence dissent. 

    Repression beyond borders, from the United States to the Middle East

    Two journalists from Italy’s public broadcaster RAI were threatened by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents while reporting on immigration enforcement operations in Minneapolis, an incident that sparked concern among Italian officials about press freedom.  Italian politicians warned that the confrontation was unacceptable, with one lawmaker saying it was a “very serious episode that risks intimidating journalists who are simply doing their job,” and calling on authorities to ensure reporters can work “without threats or interference.”

    Across the Atlantic, a UK High Court ordered Saudi Arabia to pay more than 3 million British pounds in damages to London-based dissident Ghanem al-Masarir after finding the kingdom responsible for hacking his phones with Pegasus spyware and carrying out a physical attack against him. The court concluded that Saudi authorities were behind a “serious and unlawful interference” with al-Masarir’s rights, marking a rare judicial acknowledgement of transnational repression and a setback in Saudi Arabia’s efforts to change the global conversation about its human rights abuses.

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  • Supreme Court Considers Laws Banning Trans Women in Sports

    Supreme Court Considers Laws Banning Trans Women in Sports

    For years, state laws prohibiting transgender girls and women from playing on sports teams matching their gender identity have proliferated, along with legal challenges to these bans.

    But now, the U.S. Supreme Court may settle what’s become a national controversy.

    On Tuesday, the high court considered the legality of the bans in Idaho and West Virginia.

    In more than three hours of oral arguments, the justices and attorneys debated when there should be exceptions allowed to broad legislation that discriminates against specific groups, how the presence or absence of medical testosterone regulation and biological performance advantages affect the legality of these prohibitions, whether sex should be defined as biological sex under Title IX, and what Title IX’s allowance for sex-segregated teams means if transgender women are allowed to play on women’s teams.  

    “You don’t think we should have an operating definition of sex in Title IX?” Chief Justice John Roberts said at one point to an attorney representing a trans child. 

    Lawyers representing the students who have challenged the bans said the cases were about access to athletics for a small number of transgender people, including those who are regulating their testosterone.  Kathleen R. Hartnett, an attorney challenging the Idaho ban, said her client “has suppressed her testosterone for over a year and taken estrogen,” saying the Idaho law “fails heightened scrutiny” as applied to such trans women “who have no sex-based biological advantage as compared to birth sex females.” 

    Twenty-seven states ban trans women from participating at some level of athletics, according to lawyers both defending and arguing against such prohibitions. Repeatedly Tuesday, Justice Brett Kavanaugh asked whether states that don’t have such bans are breaking the law or should be allowed discretion—suggesting he’s considering a ruling affecting more than the restrictions in Idaho and West Virginia.

    Kavanaugh asked whether states without prohibitions are violating Title IX and the Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause, and whether sex under Title IX could reasonably be interpreted to allow different states to define it differently. He said trans participation can harm girls who don’t make the cutoff for teams, but also expressed hesitancy to rule nationally, asking why the court should  “constitutionalize a rule for the whole country while there’s still … uncertainty and debate.” 

    Justice Samuel Alito didn’t ask many questions, but when he did, he homed in on how sex should be defined under Title IX. He asked how the court could determine discrimination based on sex without determining what sex means. He also asked whether female athletes who oppose transgender women on their teams should be considered “deluded” or “bigots.” 

    At one point, Justice Neil Gorsuch said that “I’ve been wondering what’s straightforward after all this discussion.” Regarding whether puberty blockers eliminate all competitive advantage, Gorsuch said there’s a “scientific dispute about the efficacy of some of these treatments.” 

    Almost a year ago, long after West Virginia and Idaho passed their laws, President Trump signed an executive order banning trans women from participating in women’s sports and threatening universities with loss of federal funding if they disobey. The next day, the NCAA announced a policy restricting “competition in women’s sports to student-athletes assigned female at birth only.” 

    The Trump administration has since pressured institutions to bar trans women. In April, for example, the Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights concluded that the University of Pennsylvania violated Title IX by allowing a trans woman to compete on a women’s sports team—presumably referring to Lia Thomas, who last competed on the swim team in 2022, in accord with NCAA policies at that time.

    Idaho and West Virginia

    The court took up two cases Tuesday, Little v. Hecox and West Virginia v. B.P.J. These suits, which center on whether anti–transgender participation laws violate Title IX and the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause, have been ongoing for years. 

    In 2020, Idaho became the first state to pass a law outright banning trans girls and women from participating in school sports matching their gender identity. Lindsay Hecox is a trans woman who was nevertheless able to participate in women’s club running and club soccer at Boise State University because she sued that same year and a district court blocked enforcement of the law against her.

    In 2024, her lawyers wrote that she tried out for the university’s women’s cross-country and track teams but didn’t make it, “consistently running slower than her cisgender women competitors.” Her attorneys stress that her “circulating testosterone levels are typical of cisgender women.”

    Hecox’s attorneys had opposed the Supreme Court taking up the case, previously writing that it’s “about a four-year-old injunction against the application of [the Idaho law] with respect to one woman, which is allowing her to participate in club running and club soccer.” Then, in September 2025, her lawyers argued the case had become moot, saying Hecox dismissed her claims and “committed not to try out for or participate in any school-sponsored women’s sports covered by” the state law. 

    “In the five years since this case commenced, Ms. Hecox has faced significant challenges that have affected her both personally and academically,” including an illness and her father’s death, her lawyers wrote. They said she’s “come under negative public scrutiny from certain quarters because of this litigation, and she believes that such continued—and likely intensified—attention in the coming school year will distract her from her schoolwork and prevent her from meeting her academic and personal goals.”

    “While playing women’s sports is important to Ms. Hecox, her top priority is graduating from college and living a healthy and safe life,” they wrote. 

    But attorneys defending the Idaho law have argued not to dismiss the case—a position that may allow a national ruling from the high court. 

    Protesters gathered outside the Supreme Court on Tuesday as the justices heard arguments in two cases concerning trans athletes.

    Ryan Quinn | Inside Higher Ed

    On Tuesday, Alan M. Hurst, Idaho’s solicitor general, argued that the case wasn’t moot, saying Hecox’s plans about whether to play sports have changed before and may change again. Justice Sonia Sotomayor challenged this, saying Hurst was asking the court to “force an unwilling plaintiff … to continue prosecuting this case.”  Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson said “it’s a little odd that a defendant would not want a case dismissed.” 

    Hurst argued that Idaho’s law wasn’t about excluding transgender people, saying the Legislature there instead “wanted to keep women’s sports women-only.” He also said testosterone doesn’t reliably suppress performance. 

    “Sports are assigned by sex because sex is what matters in sports,” Hurst said. 

    Justice Amy Coney Barrett asked whether Hurst was arguing to allow separation by biological sex of even 6-year-olds in sports. Hurst replied that even at that age, boys have a small advantage, but co-ed sports could be an option. 

    The West Virginia case was filed by the mother of Becky Pepper-Jackson, then a transgender sixth grader, back in 2021. Judges blocked enforcement of the Mountain State’s law against the student.   

    “In West Virginia’s telling, it passed [its law] to ‘save women’s sports’ by staving off an impending tidal wave of ‘bigger, faster, and stronger males’ from stealing championships, scholarships, and opportunities from female athletes,” the student’s lawyers wrote. “In reality, West Virginia’s law banned exactly one sixth-grade transgender girl from participating on her school’s cross-country and track-and-field teams with her friends.” 

    Her attorneys wrote that the sports she’s participated in are non-contact, and that she “has received puberty-delaying medication and gender-affirming estrogen that allowed her to undergo a hormonal puberty typical of girls, with all the physiological musculoskeletal characteristics of cisgender girls and none of the testosterone-induced characteristics of cisgender boys.” 

    They wrote that she “wants to play sports for the same reasons most kids do: to have fun and make friends as part of a team.” She’s participated in post-season shot put and discus, “where her performance is well within the range of cisgender girls her age,” they wrote.

    Lawyers defending the West Virginia law, though, wrote that “male athletes identifying as female are increasingly competing in women’s sports, erasing the opportunities Title IX ensured.” They wrote that “women and girls have lost places on sports teams, surrendered spots on championship podiums, and suffered injuries competing against bigger, faster, and stronger males.” 

    Michael R. Williams, West Virginia’s solicitor general, said the state’s law “is indifferent to gender identity because sports are indifferent to gender identity,” and said “we don’t have an actual transgender exclusion.” He also argued that Title IX defines sex as biological sex because that was the understanding at the time Congress passed it.

    Barrett suggested West Virginia’s arguments could be used by a state to argue for separate math classrooms if it produced a study saying women’s presence in calculus was holding men back. Gorsuch made similar arguments. 

    Federal Intervention

    In both cases Tuesday, the federal government defended the state laws. Hashim M. Mooppan, the U.S. principal deputy solicitor general, said Title IX regulations “say you can separate based on sex … the circulating testosterone levels are just legally irrelevant under the regulations.” He also said transgender women aren’t “being excluded from participating on the boys team.”  

    During and after the oral arguments, hundreds of proponents for trans athletes and opponents held dueling rallies right next to each other outside the Supreme Court, each with their own sound systems and speakers. Education Secretary Linda McMahon was among those who spoke in favor of the state bans.

    US Secretary of Education Linda McMahon, wearing a coat, speaks into a microphone.

    Education Secretary Linda McMahon speaks outside the US Supreme Court as justices hear arguments in challenges to state bans on transgender athletes in women’s sports.

    Photo by Oliver Contreras / AFP via Getty Images

    In her remarks, McMahon praised a legal organization, Alliance Defending Freedom, that was defending the bans, and touted the Trump administration’s actions to “restore common sense by returning sanity to the sexes.” She also criticized the Biden administration’s regulations that declared that sex-based discrimination, which is barred under Title IX, includes discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. A federal judge vacated those Title IX regulations in early 2025.

    “In just four years, the Biden Administration reversed decades of progress, twisting the law to argue that ‘sex’ is not defined by objective biological reality, but by the subjective notion of ‘gender identity,’’’ she said. (The Title IX regulations took effect in August 2024 but federal courts had already blocked them in dozens of states.) 

    McMahon added that while the Supreme Court deliberates, the administration will continue enforcing Title IX “as it was intended, rooted in biological reality to ensure fairness, safety, and equal access to education programs for women and girls across our nation.”

    “As President Trump has made clear, America is in its Golden Age, one where female students and athletes have equal access to fair and safe competitions and female-only intimate spaces, free from divisive and discriminatory ideologies,” she said.

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  • The trouble with banning Fizz

    The trouble with banning Fizz

    On college campuses across the country, students and administrators are debating bans on Fizz, a mobile app that lets users within a particular community — such as a college or university — communicate anonymously.

    Some view Fizz as a source of bullying and other unwelcome content. Yet many students see Fizz — founded by two Stanford dropouts who felt their campus lacked opportunities to build community during the COVID-19 pandemic — as a source of vital connection. Indeed, The New School Free Press described the app as “a central hub for students to anonymously vent their frustrations, experiences, and feelings.” 

    Campus newspapers from communities as varied as The New SchoolGeorgetown, and Colby have run op-eds this semester proclaiming the app beloved by their student bodies. To these students, anonymous apps like Fizz and its industry peer Sidechat aren’t just sources of humor and gossip — they’re important forums for discussion about taboo subjects such as STDs, student labor union disputes, and law enforcement. Last spring at UCLA, for example, Sidechat played a noteworthy role in helping pro-Palestinian campus protesters track police actions.

    A brief history of attempts to ban anonymous platforms

    This isn’t the first time an anonymous social media platform has sparked controversy, split reactions, and faced bans on campus. In 2016, numerous private colleges and universities banned Yik Yak, a location-based anonymous messaging app that shut down in 2017 amid reports of rampant bullying. Then, as now, user experiences varied. Though some pointed to the app’s abuses, others found spaces for open discussion, particularly on sensitive subjects.

    For example, at John Brown University, a Christian college in Arkansas, students used Yik Yak to discuss a professor’s “views on the LGBTQ+ community” and the university’s treatment of same-sex couples. Without an anonymous platform, these students’ concerns may have gone unaddressed.

    In 2022, Yik Yak re-emerged with new “community guardrails” to prevent harassment and abusive behavior. Now, it’s back to facing proposed bans on campus, alongside Fizz and Sidechat — which acquired Yik Yak in March 2023. 

    The Futility of ‘Banning’ Yik Yak on Campus

    On college campuses across the country, students and administrators are debating banning Yik Yak, a mobile phone application that allows its users to communicate anonymously.


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    In some ways, it feels like 2016 all over again. But in the years since the first anti-Yik Yak crusades, what has changed? 

    On the technology side, the changes have been mostly minor. Yik Yak’s model of open access to geofenced forums for users within a certain mileage radius meant a competing setup could emerge with the advent of Fizz and Sidechat, which provide each college or university with its own private “campus community.” These communities are open only to those with verified school email addresses. 

    On the policy side, though, the developments have been more troubling. Instead of administrators imposing new restrictions over the objections of their student bodies, students themselves are now urging schools to curtail their ability to use anonymous apps. From liberal arts colleges in Pennsylvania to large research universities in Texas, students are leading campaigns urging their schools to ban platforms they say are causing “harm,” including “cruel, racist, homophobic, anti-disability comments” and “a surge of racism.” And this time around, public universities — that, unlike private institutions, are beholden to the First Amendment — are joining in on the bandwagon. The University of North Carolina system has said it is working on a ban targeting Yik Yak, Sidechat, Fizz, and Whisper. A public institution completely banning these platforms would jeopardize student rights and shut off popular avenues for expression on campus.

    How the First Amendment protects online and offline anonymous speech

    To FIRE’s knowledge, no public college or university blocked access to Yik Yak on its network during the first round of attempted bans in 2016. Such a restriction by a public institution would conflict with the First Amendment, which protects the right to anonymous speech. As the Supreme Court recognized in McIntyre v. Ohio, anonymity “exemplifies the purpose behind the Bill of Rights and of the First Amendment in particular: To protect unpopular individuals from retaliation . . . at the hand of an intolerant society.”

    The Electronic Frontier Foundation has likewise explained that a public institution’s prohibition on anonymous online platforms would contravene the First Amendment, since courts have recognized that the First Amendment protects anonymous speech on the internet specifically. In Doe v. 2TheMart.com, Inc., senior district judge Thomas Samuel Zilly concluded, “Internet anonymity facilitates the rich, diverse, and far-ranging exchange of ideas. The ability to speak one’s mind on the Internet without the burden of the other party knowing all the facts about one’s identity can foster open communication and robust debate.” “Indeed, our founders relied on anonymity when creating the Constitution,” EFF similarly wrote.

    Anonymous speech, present at the founding in The Federalist Papers and Common Sense, lies at the core of American liberty — and we must not forget it.

    The offensiveness of the speech at issue doesn’t strip it of First Amendment protections on campus — if anything, it reinforces why those protections exist. As recognized in Gay Lib v. University of Missouri, a public university, “as an instrumentality of the State, has no right to restrict speech or association simply because it finds the views expressed to be abhorrent.”

    The practical stakes of banning anonymous forums from campus are high. Cutting off access to online platforms doesn’t only silence offensive comments — it restricts the tools students use to speak, organize, and mobilize around political and social causes, in ways that are often faster and more powerful than offline alternatives.

    Consistent with their right to speak anonymously, students possess the First Amendment freedom to assemble and receive information through both online platforms and offline media. As Justice Black wrote in Martin v. City of Struthers, “This freedom embraces the right to distribute literature, and necessarily protects the right to receive it.” By prohibiting anonymous social media platforms, schools would unconstitutionally impede students’ ability to access information from peers who may express certain critiques of the status quo only through anonymous online speech.

    The symbolism of bans

    Attempts by colleges to block access to such platforms are not only legally fraught, but also ineffective. A campus’s control over internet access extends only so far: An institution cannot stop a student from visiting a particular website or using an app at home, in a public library, or from a neighborhood café. In an era of widespread cellular data and VPNs, bypassing a campus network restriction is as easy as disconnecting from campus Wi-Fi. Put simply, preventing student access to Yik Yak, Fizz, or any other app is impossible absent extreme measures such as disrupting cellular service or punishing students for using technology off campus.

    Despite this inherent futility, several institutions have nonetheless imposed such bans. When Saint Louis University banned Yik Yak in March 2015, it characterized the app as “inappropriate and counterproductive,” but acknowledged that it would remain accessible on students’ mobile devices, a tacit recognition of the ban’s ultimate ineffectiveness. Nevertheless, the university framed the ban as an “important and symbolic” step. After Yik Yak was blocked from campus internet access, the platform unsurprisingly continued to receive dozens of posts each day from SLU students using cellular data. New restrictions on platforms like Fizz, Sidechat, or Whisper are likely to prove equally pointless.

    So, given the ineffectiveness of such bans, why do they matter? SLU was right about one thing: They’re symbolic. And the symbol such bans conjure should alarm us all. That students would support, and in some cases, ask, for administrators to curb their right to anonymous speech is a disturbing harbinger of an all-too-common willingness to accept the tyranny of good intentions, oblivious or indifferent to the harms such kindly inquisitors pose. 

    From student activists today to political thinkers at the nation’s founding, anonymity has long been a vital tool for challenging entrenched power. 

    Students assume administrators will use such powers for good. When anonymous feeds start functioning as an unaccountable rumor mill — where, as one student at Marywood University put it, “Yik Yak’s anonymous posts allow for people to make fun of people and have no consequences” — it’s not hard to see why some students reach for the quickest lever available: Cutting off campus Wi-Fi access. And when students describe anonymity as “really bad” because it lets people post hateful attacks “and face no consequences,” the ban-them-all pitch is often framed less as punishing dissent than as basic harm reduction — a way to deter doxxing, harassment, and spiraling pile-ons when platform moderation and campus processes feel too slow or toothless. At the University of Vermont, for example, a student who said he’d seen posts that were “super racist or super sexist or homophobic” argued “there would be an improvement on the well-being of the community if the app were restricted.” Students want a safer campus climate, and they trust bans from administrators to get there.

    Yet, banning entire platforms is a heavy-handed solution. There are more narrowly-tailored ways to address genuine safety concerns. The First Amendment doesn’t protect discriminatory harassment, true threats, or violence; university administrators and content providers can address targeted instances of unlawful conduct without wholesale platform restrictions.

    Handing over broad banning powers carries its own risks, too. The idea that it’s anyone’s business which apps you use reflects a paternalistic and authoritarian mindset, one more appropriate to grade-school supervision than to the treatment of autonomous adults. This is probably not a precedent students actually want to set.

    Moreover, the moral panic we’re seeing flattens the reality that people engage with platforms in markedly different ways — technology is a tool capable of both benefit and abuse, not a single, undifferentiated force. Writing in Bloomberg, FIRE board member Virginia Postrel described her own experience exploring Yik Yak and concluded that anonymity can foster empathy and mutual support among students. Rather than serving only as an outlet for provocation, anonymity often creates a space where students can acknowledge vulnerabilities they “often won’t admit to their friends,” including academic pressure, loneliness, and mental health struggles.

    Postrel highlights exchanges in which students openly share feelings of despair and are met with immediate affirmation — simple responses like “I feel the same way” and “me too” that convey understanding and solidarity. In settings where public disclosure might invite ridicule or dismissal, anonymity allows students to recognize that they are “not alone.”

    Banning platforms that allow anonymous speech is not merely unlawful in some circumstances. It is fundamentally hostile to a culture of free expression. An open internet has long served as a refuge for subcommunities that might otherwise disappear entirely — political dissidents living under authoritarian regimes, sexual minorities navigating social stigma in small or insular communities, and countless others for whom visibility carries real risk. From Signal to Telegram, Reddit to Craigslist — and yes, from Yik Yak to Fizz — forums that permit anonymity have historically empowered the powerless. They do not inherently invert power dynamics in favor of abuse, as critics often suggest. If anything, they correct imbalances that would otherwise silence vulnerable voices altogether. 

    As EFF observed, anonymity can be essential to student activism and support-seeking on campus. Anonymity can allow survivors of sexual or racial violence to discuss their experiences and find support without exposing themselves to further harm. At Columbia, for example, student activists relied on anonymous speech to criticize what they viewed as an inadequate university response to sexual assault allegations from their peers — fearing retaliation, discipline, or lawsuits if they spoke publicly. At Guilford College, students circulated an online form to gather anonymous accounts and reports of racial violence from people who didn’t feel safe submitting their names through official university channels.

    These anecdotes are not outliers but part of a long American tradition of protecting the right to privacy. Speakers may opt for the security of anonymity rather than risk attribution; this should not be met with punishment. From student activists today to political thinkers at the nation’s founding, anonymity has long been a vital tool for challenging entrenched power. Anonymous speech, present at the founding in The Federalist Papers and Common Sense, lies at the core of American liberty — and we must not forget it.

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  • Angelo State Reportedly Banning Pride Flags, Pronouns

    Angelo State Reportedly Banning Pride Flags, Pronouns

    Photo illustration by Justin Morrison/Inside Higher Ed | rustamank/iStock/Getty Images

    Employees at Angelo State University in Texas could be fired for displaying a pride flag or discussing any topic that suggests there are more gender identities than male and female.

    Spokespeople for Angelo State have not confirmed or denied details of the policies reportedly discussed at meetings Monday between faculty, staff and institutional leaders. But, local news magazine the Concho Observer reported that the policies would ban discussion of transgender topics or any topics that suggest there are more than two genders.

    The policies would also require instructors to remove information about transgender topics on syllabi and refer to students by their given names only, not any alternative names. Safe space stickers and LGBTQ+ flags would be banned and employees wouldn’t be allowed to include their pronouns in their email signatures.

    News of the policies comes just as Gov. Greg Abbott signed a bill on Monday that prohibits people from using the bathroom that differs from their sex assigned at birth in state buildings, including public universities, NBC reported. Institutions that violate this law face fines of up to $125,000.

    The Angelo State policies are the latest in a string of attacks on academic freedom at Texas public universities in recent weeks. Texas A&M University officials terminated a professor, demoted two other faculty members and, as of Thursday, accepted the president’s resignation in response to a viral video that showed a student challenging a professor in class for teaching about gender identity.

    Texas State University fired a newly tenured history professor over comments he made at a socialism conference about a hypothetical overthrow of the government by activists (he has already sued the university in response). And as of this month, faculty senates at some public universities are abolished.

    “What is happening at ASU is part of a larger assault on higher education and marginalized communities across Texas and the nation,” Brian Evans, president of the Texas Conference of the American Association of University Professors, said in a statement. “Moreover, it is an overt attempt to erase individuals of diverse backgrounds and experiences by limiting not only what can be taught but also what ideas students can explore. These policies and this extremist push to censor open inquiry, debate, and discovery is an affront to the U.S. and Texas Constitutions and an assault on the very foundations of our colleges and universities.”

    It is unclear exactly whom the new policies at Angelo State will apply to, and whether there are exceptions, particularly for displays and conversations held in private offices or for conversations outside of the classroom.

    Angelo State spokespeople did not answer any of the questions Inside Higher Ed asked about the new policies, and instead provided the following statement: “Angelo State University is a public institute of higher education and is therefore subject to both state and federal law, executive orders and directives from the President of the United States, and executive orders and directives from the Governor of Texas,” spokesperson Brittney Miller wrote. “As such, Angelo State fully complies with the letter of the law.”

    Miller also sent a link to a Jan. 30 letter from Abbott that said, “All Texas agencies must ensure that agency rules, internal policies, employment practices, and other actions comply with the law and the biological reality that there are only two sexes—male and female,” as well as President Donald Trump’s Jan. 20 executive order stating that the United States only recognizes two genders, male and female.

    What type of legal case faculty could bring in response—and whether they may have a case at all—will depend largely on the policy details, said Eugene Volokh, a professor of law emeritus at the University of California, Los Angeles, School of Law.

    There are no Texas state laws that explicitly prohibit faculty members from discussing LGBTQ+ topics in classrooms. Even Brian Harrison, the Texas state representative who is largely responsible for making the Texas A&M video go viral, said as much during an interview Sept. 13 on a conservative radio show.

    “The governor and lieutenant governor and speaker have been telling everybody for two years now that we passed bans on DEI and transgender indoctrination in public universities,” Harrison said. “The only little problem with that? It’s a complete lie. The bill that was passed to ban DEI explicitly authorizes DEI in the classroom—same thing with transgender indoctrination.” Harrison has introduced several bills to ban these topics, but so far none have been passed.

    The legislation Harrison referred to is Texas Senate Bill 17, which bans diversity, equity and inclusion efforts by public institutions. It was signed into law in 2023 and includes carve-outs for academic instruction, scholarly research and campus guest speakers. Meanwhile, House Bill 229 took effect on Sept. 1 and specifies that the state recognizes two genders. It applies to data collection by government entities only and does not restrict academic instruction or speech.

    Public employers, because they only speak through their employees, can generally tell people what to say as part of their job, Volokh said. “A police department may order police officers to talk in certain ways to their citizens and to not talk in other ways to citizens, right? In fact, we expect the police department to do that,” he said. “The question is whether there’s a specific, special rule that protects the rights of college or university professors.”

    The courts are largely undecided on that, he added. “It’s being litigated right now in other federal courts. It’s been raised in past cases, and there isn’t really a clear answer,” he said.

    “It’s certainly possible that [professors] may have First Amendment rights to choose to teach what they want to teach, but it’s also possible that boards will also say, ‘No, when you’re on the job and talking to a captive audience of students that the university provided for you … we, the university, get to tell you what to teach.’”

    Other state university systems have implemented similar policies with the opposite effect. For example, the University of California system requires university-issued documents to offer three gender identity options—male, female and nonbinary—and for all university documents and IT systems to include an individual’s “lived name” instead of their legal name. If an individual’s lived name is different from their legal name, their legal name must be kept confidential.

    This article has been updated to correct the Texas Senate bill number.

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  • The silencing of voices through the banning of books

    The silencing of voices through the banning of books

    When I was in fifth grade in northern Kentucky, I walked into my school library, excited to check out my favorite book — Drama by Raina Telgemeier — only to find it missing. My librarian told me it had been removed because someone had complained it wasn’t appropriate for our age group.

    The shelves looked emptier without it and I remember the sting of frustration in my chest as I asked question after question, my voice growing unsteady. That book was my only access to a world I love and now it was gone. 

    At the time, I didn’t understand why it had disappeared. Now, I realize that moment was part of a much larger battle playing out across the country.

    A surge in book bans across the U.S. is forcing educators and librarians into a heated debate over censorship and intellectual freedom, as restrictions on books about race, gender and LGBTQ+ topics increase.

    “Books don’t hurt people. People hurt people,” said Joyce McIntosh, assistant program director for the Freedom to Read Foundation.

    Bans across the nation

    As book bans and censorship debates arise across the country, independent K-12 schools, like the Tatnall School in Wilmington, Delaware where I go to school, must balance open access to information with concerns over age-appropriate content — a challenge that mirrors broader societal tensions over education and free expression.

    Over the past few years, book challenges have significantly increased, with reports from the American Library Association showing a record-breaking number of book bans in 2023, documenting 1,247 demands to censor library books and resources.

    While these debates are heating up in the U.S., similar efforts to restrict access to information are occurring across the globe, from government crackdowns in China to classroom censorship in Brazil. McIntosh said these bans disproportionately target books focused on BIPOC and LGBTQ communities, limiting students’ access to diverse perspectives. 

    “Bans often target books focused on [black, indigenous and people of color]  and LGBTQ communities, preventing students from seeing themselves represented,” McIntosh said. 

    Groups advocating for more restrictions counter that certain topics seen in school books promote inappropriate themes or political agendas. On the other hand, organizations like the Freedom to Read Foundation work to educate library workers and community members about the importance of intellectual freedom. 

    Local schools navigate the debate

    For educators, the tension between intellectual freedom and parental concerns seems like a tightrope act. While public schools in the United States must follow government and state regulations, independent schools have more flexibility in curating their libraries and media centers. That flexibility comes with its own challenges and doesn’t provide much leeway.

    Instead, it forces school administrations to set their own guidelines, often navigating difficult conversations with parents, teachers, and students to figure out what’s best for their school environment. 

    Ensign Simmons, the director of innovation and technology and library coordinator at the Tatnall School, emphasized the school’s approach to book selection. While the library strives to provide students with diverse perspectives in education, it also considers community concerns as well as the age-appropriateness of the content, Simmons said. 

    Simmons said that while Tatnall is not a public institution, the school still has a responsibility to prepare students to think critically and be open-minded when they enter the world.

    Tatnall hasn’t faced formal book bans, but the school remains aware of the growing national trends. Instead of outright censorship, Simmons said that the school encourages dialogue between students, parents and educators. Maintaining this balance means that while some books may contain more mature content, the overall goal is to promote discussion among students of different perspectives rather than restrictions.

     “Even if you disagree with something, that doesn’t mean we should take it off the shelves,” Simmons said. “We should keep them out there because that does spark a conversation and that conversation is what’s important at the end of the day.”

    The role of parents play

    While anti-ban activists argue that restricting and banning books violates an individual’s access to intellectual freedom, pro-ban supporters see it as a step taken that is necessary to protect children and youth from inappropriate and controversial material.

    Moms for Liberty, a conservative advocacy group, has led efforts to remove books like The Bluest Eye by Toni Morrison from certain school districts and libraries, arguing that educators should not have the final say in what the students read.  

    McIntosh said that many schools already have policies allowing parents to opt their child out of specific reading materials and select an alternative that aligns with the curriculum. However, when one parent’s choice limits access for all students, it crosses into censorship, she said. Parents have the right to choose that for their child, however, it starts becoming more like censorship when they decide they don’t want anyone reading the book, making a decision for others based on their own beliefs. 

    Censorship is a global issue, not confined to the United States. In China, writers who challenge the government’s narrative have been imprisoned. In Tanzania, the government banned children’s books on sex education, citing violations of cultural norms, while in Brazil, attempts have been made to remove books addressing race and gender from classrooms. This is similar to the problem in the United States.

    These efforts to restrict access to information emphasize the broader, international pattern of controlling stories, especially those of marginalized communities. Whether driven by political power, cultural conservatism or fear of open dialogue, these global examples underscore the dangers of erasing perspectives that are vital for understanding diverse human experiences, just as we are witnessing in the U.S.

    What the future holds

    As the debate over book bans intensifies, many wonder what the future for school libraries will look like. In the future, instead of banning books outright, restrictions could shift toward regulation of digital content, as our world’s use of technology grows and as more controversial material becomes accessible online.

    Schools, like Tatnall, might continue to shift and shape their policies, cultivating discussions among the youth rather than enforcing strict bans and censoring intellectual content.

    Years ago, I didn’t understand why my favorite book was taken away. Now, I see that removing a single book is never just about a book — it’s about whose voices get heard and whose stories remain untold. 

    “One of the most dangerous aspects of book bans is that they often target marginalized voices,” McIntosh said. “When we remove these stories, we’re not just censoring books. We’re erasing experiences and perspectives that are crucial for understanding the world around us.”

    The ongoing debate over book bans isn’t only about stories; it’s about who gets to decide what topics are worth exploring. And that struggle isn’t limited to the United States. Across continents, governments and school systems are making similar decisions about which perspectives are allowed to exist and which are erased.

    As long as books continue to disappear from shelves, that debate will continue shaping free expression and education for years to come.


    Questions to consider:

    • Why would some groups want to ban whole classrooms from access to particular books?

    • Why are books about people of color or are about themes of gender identity often the target of bans?

    • Do you think some books should be kept from children? Which ones and why?


     

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  • Banning DEI Is Catastrophic for U.S. Science (opinion)

    Banning DEI Is Catastrophic for U.S. Science (opinion)

    Our scientific enterprise in the United States is the envy of the world. Top scientists from around the globe want to come to work here, specifically because of the environment that we have fostered over decades to support scientific innovation and intellectual freedom. Federal investment in research is one of the primary foundations upon which this extraordinarily successful system has been constructed.

    It is not simply the dollar amount of federal funding that makes this system so successful. It is also about how we allocate and distribute the funds. Long before “DEI” was common parlance, we made robust efforts to distribute funds broadly. For example, instead of concentrating funding only in the top research institutions, as many other countries do, we created programs such as EPSCoR (1979) to direct funding to support research and development throughout the entire country, including rural areas. This was done in recognition that excellence in research can be found anywhere that and colleges and universities serving rural and impoverished communities deserve to benefit from and contribute to the economic and scientific engine that the federal government can provide.

    The National Science Foundation also implemented Broader Impacts in its grant review process (originating in the 1960s and formalized in 1997). The goal of the NSF review criteria for broader impacts was to ensure that every federally funded project would have some benefit for society. These broader impacts could take a wide variety of forms, including but not limited to new tools and innovations, as well as efforts to grow the STEM workforce by supporting those historically and economically excluded from becoming scientists.

    Diversity, equity and inclusion funding is one of the mechanisms that we use to continue this legacy of equity in federal funding of scientific research. This approach has also helped reduce public mistrust of science and scientists—a mistrust attributable to science’s historical abuses—by ensuring that the benefits of scientific progress are shared widely and equitably and by making the work of scientists more transparent and accessible.

    Until fairly recently in history, science was primarily an activity for the wealthy. Training as a scientist requires many years of deferred salary, due to the extensive education and practical skill development needed to conduct independent research and start a laboratory. For those who make it through this training, research jobs can be scarce, and the salaries are not high, considering the highly specialized skills required and the high demands of the job. Many of the best and brightest minds have been excluded from the scientific process by this economic reality. Federal funding provides critical support for science workforce development, primarily through stipends and salaries for undergraduates, graduate students and postdoctoral fellows. These stipends ease (but do not erase) the economic burden of training as a scientist.

    When you hear “DEI in science,” this is largely what we are talking about. A vast portion of federal DEI funds in the sciences goes directly to support highly talented and accomplished trainees who have deferred their personal economic progress for the opportunity to contribute to science in the U.S. This wise national investment helps to ensure that our science workforce can recruit the most meritorious trainees, regardless of their economic backgrounds. Without these initiatives, our science workforce would be much smaller with a narrower set of perspectives. Our national investment in science training is not altruistic—it is the very reason why the U.S. is a global leader in science and technology. This leadership contributes to our nation’s safety and capacity to deal with the existential problems we now face.

    The framework of DEI recognizes that systemic economic and social injustices are present in our society, due to historical and contemporary realities such as slavery, Jim Crow, genocide of Native peoples, redlining, a broken immigration system, educational and health-care disparities, and discriminatory practices in housing and employment against nonwhite, disabled and LGBTQ+ communities. These disparities have resulted in a lack of intergenerational wealth and resources among many communities in the U.S., leading to unequal access to scientific training and careers.

    The claim, now made by our federal government, that a meritocracy can be achieved by ignoring these injustices is simply false and illogical. DEI is not only about diversity training and hiring practices. In the sciences, it is essential and existential to the goal of developing the most robust, talented and highly skilled science workforce in the world.

    With Executive Order 14151, issued by the Trump administration, this funding is under attack, undoing decades of progress that have fostered some of the most talented and brilliant minds of our time. Rigorous training programs are being canceled, graduate students are losing their funding and the training of an entire generation of scientists is being jeopardized. Science will lose an extraordinary amount of talent, necessary for our nation’s industrial and economic leadership, because of this executive order.

    Furthermore, this removal of funding is being enacted on the basis of identity, effectively endorsing a form of government-imposed segregation of science. Advancements in science are often determined by the demography of those doing the science, and a diversity of perspectives and research questions is necessary for scientific innovation. For example, sickle cell disease is chronically underfunded and underresearched, despite the severity of the disease, likely because it affects descendants of people from regions with high instances of malaria, including many African Americans. Indeed, some scientific breakthroughs and technologies may never materialize or be greatly delayed due to the exclusion of talented individuals on the basis of their identity. This is a fundamental threat to scientific progress and academic freedom.

    The federal banning of DEI programs is a slap in the face to every person who has struggled to become a scientist in the face of systemic injustices. These trainees, past and present, have missed out on economic opportunities, deferred building their families and made many personal sacrifices so that they can create innovative solutions to our nation’s most pressing scientific and technological challenges. The creation of these DEI programs came from the extraordinary efforts of thousands of people, many of whom have overcome injustices themselves, working tirelessly across many decades so that the most meritorious and talented individuals all have an opportunity to succeed as scientists.

    Referring to these efforts as “shameful discrimination,” as the Trump administration has now done, is a cruel attempt to destabilize the emotional well-being of everyone who has created and been supported by these essential programs. It is an example of blaming the victims of past and ongoing injustice for their plight in society, rather than working to dismantle the systems that perpetuate inequality and limit access to a fair and just future, where a true meritocracy in science becomes possible.

    We believe that the efforts to ban, diminish and misrepresent DEI and diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility programs should be immediately stopped and reversed to avoid the most serious negative impacts of these new policies. Removal of DEI programs will demoralize and disincentivize an entire generation of scientists in training. It will greatly reduce the scientific workforce and remove top talent from our training programs as funding mechanisms are dismantled.

    Our graduate students, undergraduates, postdoctoral fellows and other early-career scientists are those most greatly impacted by the removal of this support. This will severely jeopardize the status of the U.S. as a global leader in science, and the catastrophic impacts will be felt for decades. We stand by those most affected by the DEI ban, especially our trainees, and we demand an immediate reinstatement of DEI funding.

    We are speaking out using the speech and intellectual freedoms afforded to us by the U.S. academic system and the U.S. Constitution. We are calling on our institutions to stand with us in defense of DEI in science. Institutions and professional societies must reaffirm their own commitments to DEI. Some institutions have already made strong statements of reaffirmation of these values, but others have begun to remove their internal and external DEI initiatives pre-emptively. We understand the need for institutions to protect their employees and students from adverse consequences, but we argue that the consequences of dismantling diversity programs are much greater for our communities, as these steps usher in a new era of segregation in science and academia.

    We urge the public, our lawmakers and politicians to stand with us. We believe that DEI is foundational to science and an attack on DEI is an attack on the core of science itself in the United States.

    Joseph L. Graves Jr. is the MacKenzie Scott Endowed Professor of Biology and the director of the Genomic Research and Data Science Center for Computation and Cloud Computing at North Carolina A&T State University.

    Stacy C. Farina is an associate professor of biology at Howard University.

    Parvin Shahrestani is an associate professor of biological science at California State University, Fullerton.

    Vaughn S. Cooper is a professor of microbiology and molecular genetics at the University of Pittsburgh.

    Gilda A. Barabino is president and professor of biomedical and chemical engineering at Olin College of Engineering.

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  • Trump signs order banning trans athletes in women’s sports

    Trump signs order banning trans athletes in women’s sports

    President Donald Trump signed an executive order Wednesday banning transgender women from participating in women’s sports.

    “The war on women’s sports is over,” he said. “With my action this afternoon, we are putting every school receiving taxpayer dollars on notice that if you let men take over women’s sports teams or invade your locker rooms, you will be investigated for violations of Title IX and risk your federal funding.”

    The executive order, signed on National Girls and Women in Sports Day, declares that it’s “the policy of the United States to oppose male competitive participation in women’s sports more broadly, as a matter of safety, fairness, dignity, and truth.” Under the order, the assistant to the president for domestic policy will bring together representatives of “major athletic organizations and governing bodies, and female athletes harmed by such policies, to promote policies that are fair and safe, in the best interests of female athletes.”

    The president’s latest action builds on the GOP’s broader campaign to remove all recognition of transgender individuals from state and federal programs. On his first day in office, Trump signed a separate executive action declaring that there are only two sexes and banning federal funding for any program related to “gender ideology.” And House Republicans have passed a bill that would unilaterally ban trans women from competing in women’s sports. In nearly half of the country, trans women are banned from playing women’s sports at the K-12 or higher education level, but the order would take those bans nationwide.

    Additionally, the order calls on the education secretary to prioritize “Title IX enforcement actions against educational institutions (including athletic associations composed of or governed by such institutions) that deny female students an equal opportunity to participate in sports and athletic events by requiring them, in the women’s category, to compete with or against or to appear unclothed before males.” (Federally funded K-12 public schools and colleges are required to comply with Title IX, which bars discrimination based on sex in educational settings.)

    Charlie Baker, president of the National Collegiate Athletic Association, told Congress recently that out of the more than 500,000 college athletes, fewer than 10 were transgender. The NCAA released a statement Wednesday that said, “The NCAA Board of Governors is reviewing the executive order and will take necessary steps to align NCAA policy in the coming days, subject to further guidance from the administration.”

    As Trump spoke Wednesday, girls and women—including former University of Kentucky swimmer and anti-trans advocate Riley Gaines—stood behind him, often clapping in support.

    After thanking them, the president turned back to face the rest of the East Room audience. He acknowledged the federal lawmakers, state attorneys general and governors in attendance, describing them as “friends of women’s sports.”

    “My administration will not stand by and watch men beat and batter women,” he said. “It’s going to end and nobody’s gonna be able to do a damn thing about it because when I speak [I] speak with authority.” (Trump was referring to an Olympic gold medal–winning Algerian boxer whom some accused of being transgender; the boxer has publicly said she was born a woman.)

    Fatima Goss Graves, president of the National Women’s Law Center, said in a statement that trans students do not pose a threat in sports and deserve the same opportunities as their peers.

    “The far-right’s disturbing obsession with controlling the bodies, hearts, and minds of our country’s youth harms all students,” Graves said.

    Education secretary nominee Linda McMahon attended the ceremony, though her confirmation hearing for the office has yet to be scheduled. In the meantime, the department is being led by a collection of acting officials and appointees, including Deputy General Counsel Candice Jackson, who described the president’s order as “a demonstration of common sense.”

    “The President affirmed that this administration will protect female athletes from the danger of competing against and the indignity of sharing private spaces with someone of the opposite sex,” Jackson said in a news release. “The Department of Education stands proudly with President Trump’s action as we prioritize Title IX enforcement against educational institutions that refuse to give female athletes the Title IX protections they deserve.”

    Other Republican lawmakers praised the order Wednesday, arguing it would ensure women and girls won’t be pushed to the sidelines.

    But Representative Bobby Scott, a Democrat from Virginia and ranking member on the House education committee, was quick to oppose the order, calling it “yet another overreach by this administration” and saying its lack of clarity will further complicate what should be addressed by sports associations.

    “Rather than address the real, urgent issues that students and families are facing every day, this administration continues to target vulnerable students—specifically transgender girls and women—with a shameless attempt to bully them,” he said in a statement. “They are willing to use the most vulnerable Americans as pawns in a political game.”

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