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  • Restrictions on use of NDAs continue to tighten

    Restrictions on use of NDAs continue to tighten

    By luck or judgment two separate regulatory regimes applying in the HE sector came into effect on the same day last month.

    They are condition E6, the new condition of registration imposed by the Office for Students to better protect students from harassment and sexual misconduct, and a revised duty to secure freedom of speech within the law set out in the Freedom of Speech Act 2023.

    Both regimes impose restrictions on the use of non-disclosure agreements (NDAs) by HE institutions. However, their scope is slightly different.

    Condition E6 forbids provisions which have the object or effect of preventing students from “disclosing information about an allegation of harassment and/or sexual misconduct, which in any way involves or affects one or more students” to any other person. These restrictions on NDAs were introduced as free-standing requirements on 1 September 2024.

    The Freedom of Speech Act measures also relate to harassment and sexual misconduct, but the restrictions are not confined to misconduct affecting students. These restrictions extend to NDA provisions in agreements that prevent anyone connected with the institution, including visiting speakers, from disclosing information about a complaint they have made about misconduct to any other person.

    In an ideal world, these two separate regulations would be better aligned, but in practice, institutions will be able to square the circle by following the more onerous of the two provisions in any given situation.

    The regulatory guidance on condition E6 states:

    Although this provision does not apply to other persons, providers should consider the wider requirements of this condition in applying such restrictions to other persons such as staff, and not to inhibit discussion of these issues that might support those who have experienced harassment or sexual misconduct, or allow issues to be aired and properly addressed.”

    This suggests the guidance appears to anticipate the free speech measures. However, somewhat strangely, the issue of NDAs is not mentioned at all in the OfS’s regulatory advice on the free speech duty.

    And there’s more

    As if two overlapping NDA regimes were not troublesome enough, a third is now in sight. Amendments to the Employment Rights Bill in July 2025 (at report stage in the House of Lords) impose new restrictions on confidentiality clauses relating to harassment and discrimination (as defined in the Equality Act 2010).

    Again, the scope of the targeted misconduct (harassment or sexual misconduct) is similar, but these provisions focus on workplace harassment and are confined to restrictions in agreements between workers and employers. There is also the possibility of exceptions being created by regulations, though we don’t know what these would look like yet.

    So, the scope of the restrictions will be narrower than the current legislation universities operate under. However, the range of misconduct covered is wider as it extends to direct and indirect discrimination as well as harassment. Though this does not include breach of the reasonable adjustments duty or victimisation.

    Bringing it all together

    All three sets of restrictions build on existing limits to NDAs.

    First, there are currently provisions that protect whistleblowers from signing gagging clauses that prevent them from making a disclosure. The connection between sexual misconduct and protected disclosures will be made explicit by another proposed measure in the Employment Rights Bill, as it adds disclosure of information about sexual harassment to the list of disclosures qualifying for whistleblower protections.

    Many protected disclosures involve misconduct that is potentially criminal. It is already the case that an NDA will be unenforceable to the extent that it seeks to prevent reporting of a criminal offence to the relevant authorities or cooperating with their enquiries. These rules will be codified in a slightly broader form by provisions in the Victims and Prisoners Act 2024, coming into effect on 1 October 2025.

    Secondly, lawyers involved in the drawing up of confidentiality agreements will be aware of the warning notice from the Solicitors Regulatory Authority, first issued in 2018 and revised in August 2024. The warning notice means it will amount to professional misconduct to draft NDAs that are not legally enforceable, or to obscure limitations in the scope of the confidentiality requirements being lawfully imposed by using obfuscatory drafting.

    There are also broader reputation and compliance issues to consider. As a result, several policy initiatives exist to encourage HEIs to limit or eliminate the use of these agreements. One of the most significant recent developments was the launch in 2022 by Universities UK of a strategic guide to tackling staff-to-student sexual misconduct. The guide considers that the use of NDAs can inhibit the development of a culture which makes this kind of conduct less likely, and says that they should not be used to prevent “reporting parties from speaking out or to restrict what the university might disclose to others.”

    The development of placing limits on NDAs has been piecemeal and inconsistent, but the direction of travel is clear. It is increasingly difficult to use blanket NDAs. Thought needs to be given to the proposed reasons for and the effects of NDAs in relation to any aspect of an HEI’s operations. It will rarely be appropriate to seek NDAs in relation to issues of harassment or sexual misconduct, and other (common) processes and approaches for handling such situations effectively with staff, students, members, visitors, and other stakeholders will be required.

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  • Wide-ranging coalition of ‘friends of the court’ continue to support citizen journalist Priscilla Villarreal in her return to the Supreme Court

    Wide-ranging coalition of ‘friends of the court’ continue to support citizen journalist Priscilla Villarreal in her return to the Supreme Court

    The government can’t jail a journalist for asking a question. And when it does, it can’t get away with it scot-free. But that’s what happened to the police and prosecutors who arrested citizen journalist Priscilla Villarreal when she asked an officer questions in the course of reporting the news. 

    It was unconstitutional enough that these Laredo, Texas, officials arrested Priscilla for routine journalism — something freedom-loving Americans know the First Amendment protects. Even worse, they did so because she criticized them. And to further their plan to arrest Priscilla, they deployed a Texas penal statute aimed at curbing abuses of office —and one that Laredo officials had never before tried to enforce in its 23-year history. 

    After the Fifth Circuit denied Priscilla relief for her constitutional injury, the Supreme Court granted her petition and tossed out the Fifth Circuit’s decision. The Court ordered the Fifth Circuit to reconsider her case in light of an earlier ruling. But after the Fifth Circuit mostly reinstated its previous ruling, Priscilla and FIRE once again asked the Supreme Court to intervene. 

    Supporting Priscilla in front of the high court is an impressive and diverse coalition of media organizations, journalists, and defenders of civil liberties. These 11 amicus curiae briefs urge the Supreme Court to reverse the Fifth Circuit’s ruling in order to protect Americans’ First Amendment right to investigate and report the news and to ensure that officials can be held accountable when they infringe on that obvious right. 

    These reporters and media organizations wrote about how this important First Amendment case will impact the rights of all journalists:

    • The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press and 24 news organizations including The New York TimesThe Washington Post, and Dow Jones & Company (owner of The Wall Street Journal) demonstrate how history shows that “no technique has been more routine or central to newsgathering — from the Founding through the present day — than pursuing information about government affairs simply by asking for it.” In addition to attorneys from the Reporters Committee, the media coalition is also represented by Jackson Walker LLP.
    • The MuckRock Foundation, an organization that drives public records requests across the country, is a nonprofit that assists the public in filing governmental requests for public records and then publishes the returned information on its website for public access. Journalists routinely use records MuckRock publishes to expose government corruption, misuse of government funds, and other matters of public concern. MuckRock’s brief warns that if upheld, “the Fifth Circuit’s decision will encourage other government officials, both high and petty, to harass, threaten, and arrest people for requesting information that the government would prefer not to release — even if the government may lawfully release the information under state law.” MuckRock is represented by Prince Lobel Tye LLP.
    • group of five current and former journalists — David BarstowKathleen McElroyWalter RobinsonJohn Schwartz, and Jacob Sullum — emphasizes that no reasonable official would have thought Priscilla’s basic reporting practice was criminal. They also use real-life examples to demonstrate that “journalists cannot do their jobs if they must fear that any interaction with the government — even a simple request for truthful, factual information — may be used as a pretext for an arrest and criminal prosecution.” The journalists are represented by counsel at Covington & Burling LLP.
    • The Dallas Free Press submitted a brief with Avi Adelman and Steven Monacelli, two independent journalists who, like Priscilla, have been arrested or detained while reporting on law enforcement. The brief details how when faced with “closed doors and empty mailboxes … journalists must develop alternative sources to perform their job — a public service indispensable to our democracy.” And if communicating with these sources could result in arrest, independent journalists “are especially vulnerable … given that they may lack the resources and institutional backing of a larger news outlet in the event that they are prosecuted.” The Dallas Free PressAdelman, and Monacelli are represented by the SMU Dedman School of Law First Amendment ClinicThomas Leatherbury, and Vinson & Elkins LLP.

    This impressive group of organizations across the ideological spectrum wrote to emphasize the problems with applying qualified immunity in cases like Priscilla’s:

    • First Liberty Institute explains that “the government arresting a journalist for asking questions so obviously violates the First Amendment that no reasonable official would sanction such an action.” And FLI points out that “it comes as no surprise that there is no case directly on point with the facts here” because “these sorts of outrageous fact patterns are more frequently found in law school exams than in real life.” FLI is represented by Dentons Bingham Greenbaum LLP.
    • The Americans for Prosperity Foundation articulates that qualified immunity is inappropriate when it shields government officials from liability for “intentional and slow-moving” infringements of First Amendment rights. Moreover, AFPF argues, qualified immunity especially threatens constitutional rights when officials enforce rarely-used statues, because “the more obscure the state law, the less likely it is that a prior case was decided on a similar set of facts.”
    • The Law Enforcement Action Partnership — whose members include police, prosecutors, and other law-enforcement officials — stress that the Supreme Court “has consistently held that qualified immunity does not shield obvious violations of bedrock constitutional guarantees.” The brief observes that “the dramatic expansion of criminal codes across the country has made it easier than ever” for law enforcement to pretextually arrest someone as punishment for exercising their First Amendment rights. LEAP is represented by Gibson Dunn & Crutcher LLP.
    • Young America’s Foundation and the Manhattan Institute highlight that “the First Amendment’s guarantees limit state law, not the other way around.” Their brief also explains how the Fifth Circuit’s failure to recognize decades of Supreme Court precedent protecting “routine news-gathering activities under the First Amendment … erodes essential free-speech and free-press rights.” YAF and the Manhattan Institute are represented by the Alliance Defending Freedom and The Dhillon Law Group.
    • The Institute for Justice urges reversal of the Fifth Circuit’s decision because “it undermines the text and original meaning of Section 1983,” which protects constitutional rights when violated “under color of” state laws and “notwithstanding” state laws that purport to limit those rights. IJ also stresses that the Fifth Circuit’s application of qualified immunity in the context of an obvious constitutional violation “is inconsistent with the prudential rationale underlying qualified immunity: the carefully calibrated balancing of government and individual interests.”  
    • The Constitutional Accountability Center details the history of Section 1983 and cautions that because “qualified immunity is at odds with Section 1983’s text and history, courts should be especially careful to respect the limits on the doctrine.” CAC points out that this is an especially inapt case for qualified immunity because Section 1983 was adopted precisely to combat things like the criminalization of speech by pre-war slave codes and retaliatory prosecutions against critics of slavery.
    • The Cato Institute underlines that in the context of qualified immunity, “clearly established law is an objective inquiry of reasonableness, not a blind reliance on a lack of judicial precedent.” Cato also warns that “freedom of the press cannot meaningfully exist if journalists are not allowed to seek information from government officials.”

    Priscilla and FIRE are exceedingly grateful for the support of this diverse and formidable amicus coalition. With this support, she is hopeful the Supreme Court will hold that journalists — and all Americans — can seek information from government officials without risking arrest. 

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  • Despite layoffs, NAEP to continue as planned in 2026

    Despite layoffs, NAEP to continue as planned in 2026

    Despite massive layoffs that left the U.S. Department of Education with a skeleton crew in charge of administering and analyzing the Nation’s Report Card, the agency said on Thursday the assessment will continue as planned next year.

    “The Department will ensure that NAEP [the National Assessment of Educational Progress] continues to provide invaluable data on learning across the U.S,” said U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon in a statement on Thursday. “The 2026 NAEP assessments in reading and math are on track for administration in January 2026.” 

    In addition to assessing math and reading in 4th and 8th grades in January 2026, a letter sent to states Thursday shows U.S. history and civics will be administered for 8th graders as planned prior to the March layoffs.

    NCES is preparing for the 2025-26 cycle now and will administer the assessments between Jan. 26 and March 20, 2026, according to the letter. Math and reading results for the nation, states, and districts participating in the Trial Urban District Assessment, which tracks academic progress in urban districts, will be released in early 2027.

    National results for civics and U.S. history are expected to be released later in 2027. District and state-level data for those assessments will not be released. 

    Melissa McGrath, chief of staff for the Council of Chief State School Officers, said in a statement that NAEP “offers an important measure of student achievement and we are pleased that it will be administered in reading and math in 2026.”

    The department’s update on testing in all subject areas — including optional ones — partially addresses concerns that have been stewing for over a month among education and testing experts that cuts to the agency would sacrifice the integrity of the Nation’s Report Card.

    Former employees of the National Center for Education Statistics, which oversees the Nation’s Report Card, had worried that the mass layoffs would result in a “barebones” assessment that produced lower-quality data. 

    The Education Department has maintained that most of NAEP’s work was done through contracts, which it said remain in place.

    “Despite spending hundreds of millions in taxpayer funds annually, IES has failed to effectively fulfill its mandate to identify best practices and new approaches that improve educational outcomes and close achievement gaps for students,” Madi Biedermann, the department’s deputy assistant secretary for communications, told sister publication Higher Ed Dive in March. Biederman said the Institute of Education Sciences is going to be restructured “to improve student outcomes while maintaining rigorous scientific integrity and cost effectiveness.” 

    In her statement Thursday, McMahon said NAEP is “a critical tool for parents, educators, and experts to assess our students’ preparedness and advise on necessary interventions.”

    McMahon said that while the “final mission” — to close the department to the maximum extent possible as ordered by President Donald Trump in a March executive order — continues, she is still “committed to providing states with the tools and best practices to advance the educational achievement of our nation’s students.” 

    Modernizations of the assessment, which have been in the works for years, will also continue, the Thursday letter to states said — including pilot assessments in mathematics and reading in grades 4, 8, and 12 to help the assessment transition to updated mathematics and reading frameworks.

    It is still unclear whether plans for other innovations such as remote, device-agnostic and adaptive administrations of the exam will still roll out.

    In 2022, NCES Commissioner Peggy Carr — who was put on administrative leave as part of March’s layoffs — told K-12 Dive that assessments were set to become device agnostic in 2026, meaning students were going to be able to eventually test on any device. The Education Department had also planned to pull out most of its field administration staff, relying instead on school staff to administer assessments where possible, Carr said.

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