Tag: decide

  • Who gets to decide what counts as knowledge? Big tech, AI, and the future of epistemic agency in higher education

    Who gets to decide what counts as knowledge? Big tech, AI, and the future of epistemic agency in higher education

    by Mehreen Ashraf, Eimear Nolan, Manual F Ramirez, Gazi Islam and Dirk Lindebaum

    Walk into almost any university today, and you can be sure to encounter the topic of AI and how it affects higher education (HE). AI applications, especially large language models (LLM), have become part of everyday academic life, being used for drafting outlines, summarising readings, and even helping students to ‘think’. For some, the emergence of LLMs is a revolution that makes learning more efficient and accessible. For others, it signals something far more unsettling: a shift in how and by whom knowledge is controlled. This latter point is the focus of our new article published in Organization Studies.

    At the heart of our article is a shift in what is referred to epistemic (or knowledge) governance: the way in which knowledge is created, organised, and legitimised in HE. In plain terms, epistemic governance is about who gets to decide what counts as credible, whose voices are heard, and how the rules of knowing are set. Universities have historically been central to epistemic governance through peer review, academic freedom, teaching, and the public mission of scholarship. But as AI tools become deeply embedded in teaching and research, those rules are being rewritten not by educators or policymakers, but by the companies that own the technology.

    From epistemic agents to epistemic consumers

    Universities, academics, and students have traditionally been epistemic agents: active producers and interpreters of knowledge. They ask questions, test ideas, and challenge assumptions. But when we rely on AI systems to generate or validate content, we risk shifting from being agents of knowledge to consumers of knowledge. Technology takes on the heavy cognitive work: it finds sources, summarises arguments, and even produces prose that sounds academic. However, this efficiency comes at the cost of profound changes in the nature of intellectual work.

    Students who rely on AI to tidy up their essays, or generate references, will learn less about the process of critically evaluating sources, connecting ideas and constructing arguments, which are essential for reasoning through complex problems. Academics who let AI draft research sections, or feed decision letters and reviewer reports into AI with the request that AI produces a ‘revision strategy’, might save time but lose the slow, reflective process that leads to original thought, while undercutting their own agency in the process. And institutions that embed AI into learning systems hand part of their epistemic governance – their authority to define what knowledge is and how it is judged – to private corporations.

    This is not about individual laziness; it is structural. As Shoshana Zuboff argued in The age of surveillance capitalism, digital infrastructures do not just collect information, they reorganise how we value and act upon it. When universities become dependent on tools owned by big tech, they enter an ecosystem where the incentives are commercial, not educational.

    Big tech and the politics of knowing

    The idea that universities might lose control of knowledge sounds abstract, but it is already visible. Jisc’s 2024 framework on AI in tertiary education warns that institutions must not ‘outsource their intellectual labour to unaccountable systems,’ yet that outsourcing is happening quietly. Many UK universities, including the University of Oxford, have signed up to corporate AI platforms to be used by staff and students alike. This, in turn, facilitates the collection of data on learning behaviours that can be fed back into proprietary models.

    This data loop gives big tech enormous influence over what is known and how it is known. A company’s algorithm can shape how research is accessed, which papers surface first, or which ‘learning outcomes’ appear most efficient to achieve. That’s epistemic governance in action: the invisible scaffolding that structures knowledge behind the scenes. At the same time, it is easy to see why AI technologies appeal to universities under pressure. AI tools promise speed, standardisation, lower costs, and measurable performance, all seductive in a sector struggling with staff shortages and audit culture. But those same features risk hollowing out the human side of scholarship: interpretation, dissent, and moral reasoning. The risk is not that AI will replace academics but that it will change them, turning universities from communities of inquiry into systems of verification.

    The Humboldtian ideal and why it is still relevant

    The modern research university was shaped by the 19th-century thinker Wilhelm von Humboldt, who imagined higher education as a public good, a space where teaching and research were united in the pursuit of understanding. The goal was not efficiency: it was freedom. Freedom to think, to question, to fail, and to imagine differently.

    That ideal has never been perfectly achieved, but it remains a vital counterweight to market-driven logics that render AI a natural way forward in HE. When HE serves as a place of critical inquiry, it nourishes democracy itself. When it becomes a service industry optimised by algorithms, it risks producing what Žižek once called ‘humans who talk like chatbots’: fluent, but shallow.

    The drift toward organised immaturity

    Scholars like Andreas Scherer and colleagues describe this shift as organised immaturity: a condition where sociotechnical systems prompt us to stop thinking for ourselves. While AI tools appear to liberate us from labour, what is happening is that they are actually narrowing the space for judgment and doubt.

    In HE, that immaturity shows up when students skip the reading because ‘ChatGPT can summarise it’, or when lecturers rely on AI slides rather than designing lessons for their own cohort. Each act seems harmless; but collectively, they erode our epistemic agency. The more we delegate cognition to systems optimised for efficiency, the less we cultivate the messy, reflective habits that sustain democratic thinking. Immanuel Kant once defined immaturity as ‘the inability to use one’s understanding without guidance from another.’ In the age of AI, that ‘other’ may well be an algorithm trained on millions of data points, but answerable to no one.

    Reclaiming epistemic agency

    So how can higher education reclaim its epistemic agency? The answer lies not only in rejecting AI but also in rethinking our possible relationships with it. Universities need to treat generative tools as objects of inquiry, not an invisible infrastructure. That means embedding critical digital literacy across curricula: not simply training students to use AI responsibly, but teaching them to question how it works, whose knowledge it privileges, and whose it leaves out.

    In classrooms, educators could experiment with comparative exercises: have students write an essay on their own, then analyse an AI version of the same task. What’s missing? What assumptions are built in? How were students changed when the AI wrote the essay for them and when they wrote them themselves? As the Russell Group’s 2024 AI principles note, ‘critical engagement must remain at the heart of learning.’

    In research, academics too must realise that their unique perspectives, disciplinary judgement, and interpretive voices matter, perhaps now more than ever, in a system where AI’s homogenisation of knowledge looms. We need to understand that the more we subscribe to values of optimisation and efficiency as preferred ways of doing academic work, the more natural the penetration of AI into HE will unfold.

    Institutionally, universities might consider building open, transparent AI systems through consortia, rather than depending entirely on proprietary tools. This isn’t just about ethics; it’s about governance and ensuring that epistemic authority remains a public, democratic responsibility.

    Why this matters to you

    Epistemic governance and epistemic agency may sound like abstract academic terms, but they refer to something fundamental: the ability of societies and citizens (not just ‘workers’) to think for themselves when/if universities lose control over how knowledge is created, validated and shared. When that happens, we risk not just changing education but weakening democracy. As journalist George Monbiot recently wrote, ‘you cannot speak truth to power if power controls your words.’ The same is true for HE. We cannot speak truth to power if power now writes our essays, marks our assignments, and curates our reading lists.

    Mehreen Ashraf is an Assistant Professor at Cardiff Business School, Cardiff University, United Kingdom.

    Eimear Nolan is an Associate Professor in International Business at Trinity Business School, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland.

    Manuel F Ramirez is Lecturer in Organisation Studies at the University of Liverpool Management School, UK.

    Gazi Islam is Professor of People, Organizations and Society at Grenoble Ecole de Management, France.

    Dirk Lindebaum is Professor of Management and Organisation at the School of Management, University of Bath.

    Author: SRHE News Blog

    An international learned society, concerned with supporting research and researchers into Higher Education

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  • Many students decide they’re not a ‘math person’ by the end of elementary school, new study shows

    Many students decide they’re not a ‘math person’ by the end of elementary school, new study shows

    This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at ckbe.at/newsletters.

    Roughly half of middle and high schoolers report losing interest in math class at least half the time, and 1 in 10 lack interest nearly all the time during class, a new study shows.

    In addition, the students who felt the most disengaged in math class said they wanted fewer online activities and more real-world applications in their math classes.

    Those and other findings published Tuesday from the research corporation RAND highlight several ongoing challenges for instruction in math, where nationwide student achievement has yet to return to pre-pandemic levels and the gap between the highest and lowest-performing students in math has continued to grow.

    Feeling bored in math class from time to time is not an unusual experience, and feeling “math anxiety” is common. However, the RAND study notes that routine boredom is associated with lower school performance, reduced motivation, reduced effort, and increased rates of dropping out of school.

    Perhaps unsurprisingly, the study found that the students who are the most likely to maintain their interest in math comprehend math, feel supported in math, are confident in their ability to do well in math, enjoy math, believe in the need to learn math, and see themselves as a “math person.”

    Dr. Heather Schwartz, a RAND researcher and the primary investigator of the study, noted that the middle and high school years are when students end up on advanced or regular math tracks. Schwartz said that for young students determining their own sense of math ability, “Tracking programs can be a form of external messaging.”

    Nearly all the students who said they identified as a “math person” came to that conclusion before they reached high school, the RAND survey results show. A majority of those students identified that way as early as elementary school. In contrast, nearly a third of students surveyed said they never identified that way.

    “Math ability is malleable way past middle school,” Schwartz said. Yet, she noted that the survey indicates students’ perception of their own capabilities often remains static.

    The RAND study drew on data from their newly established American Youth Panel, a nationally representative survey of students ages 12-21. It used survey responses of 434 students in grades 5-12. Because this was the first survey sent to members of the panel, there is no comparable data on student math interest prior to the pandemic, so it doesn’t measure any change in student interest.

    The RAND study found that 26% percent of students in middle and high school reported losing interest during a majority of their math lessons. On the other end of the spectrum, a quarter of students said they never or almost never lost interest in math class.

    There weren’t major differences in the findings across key demographic groups: Students in middle and high school, boys and girls, and students of different races and ethnicities reported feeling bored during a majority of math class at similar rates.

    Dr. Janine Remillard, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania Graduate School of Education and expert in mathematics curriculum, said that in many math classes, “It’s usually four or five students answering all the questions, and then the kids who either don’t understand or are less interested or just take a little bit more time — they just zone out.”

    Over 50% of students who lost interest in almost all of their math classes asked for fewer online activities and more real-world problems, the RAND study shows. Schwartz hypothesizes that some online math programs represent a “modern worksheet” and emphasize solo work and repetition. Students who are bored in class instead crave face-to-face activities that focus on application, she said.

    During Remillard’s math teacher training classes, she puts students in her math teacher training class into groups to solve math problems. But she doesn’t tell them what strategy to use.

    The students are forced to work together in order to understand the process of finding an answer rather than simply repeating a given formula. All of her students typically say that if they had learned math this way, they would think of themselves as a math person, according to Remillard, who was not involved in the RAND study.

    Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

    For more news on STEM learning, visit eSN’s STEM & STEAM hub.

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  • No president gets to decide who deserves a lawyer

    No president gets to decide who deserves a lawyer

    “The first thing we do, let’s chill all the lawyers.” 

    The original line from Shakespeare’s “Henry VI, Part 2” is often wheeled out to take a swipe at the legal profession. But in the play, it’s uttered by a violent rebel intent on dismantling civil society. Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens interpreted it as a warning: “Shakespeare insightfully realized that disposing of lawyers is a step in the direction of a totalitarian form of government.”

    Lawyers make easy targets. But freedom and protection of individual rights depend on their efforts to uphold the rule of law, check government overreach, and defend the unpopular. If you’re being prosecuted, suing the government for violating your rights, or challenging an unconstitutional law, you need a lawyer. And you shouldn’t have to worry about whether intimidation from the federal government will prevent you from getting one. 

    That’s why President Trump’s ongoing retaliation against law firms for representing clients or causes he opposes should concern all Americans, regardless of their political beliefs. It not only violates the First Amendment but also undermines access to vigorous legal representation, especially for anyone up against those in power.

    This moment is bigger than one firm or one case. It’s about preserving the integrity of our legal system and the fundamental principles it upholds.

    What did these firms do to draw the president’s ire? Here’s a sample from his executive orders targeting them:

    • Perkins Coie represented “failed Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton,” hired a company that produced “false” opposition research on Trump’s campaign, and “worked with activist donors” to challenge voter ID laws in court.
    • A Paul, Weiss partner brought a lawsuit against protesters at the Capitol on January 6.
    • Jenner & Block conducted pro bono work challenging Trump’s executive orders restricting immigration and withholding federal funding for medical institutions that perform gender transition procedures for minors.
    • WilmerHale pursued pro bono litigation related to immigration, voting, and race-based college admissions policies. 

    The executive orders Trump issued in response to these actions are transparent about his intention to crack down on the firms as a result of their First Amendment-protected activities. 

    The orders slap the firms with a range of sanctions — revoking security clearances, canceling government contracts, and denying access to federal buildings and employees when such access would, among other things, “be inconsistent with the interests of the United States” (whatever that means). 

    For firms representing clients who advocate before, contract with, or are in disputes with the federal government, these sanctions are a gut punch, cutting off access and/or critical information they need to effectively do their jobs.

    Not only that, the orders direct federal agencies to require federal contractors to disclose any business they have with the blacklisted firms, pressuring anyone who has (or might in the future have) business with the government to dissociate from those firms. 

    You don’t need to feel sympathy for large law firms — or support the clients or causes they represent — to see the danger in a president abusing his authority to bend the legal system to his will. Trump isn’t just punishing these firms — he’s chilling legitimate advocacy and eroding the core principle that everyone has a right to legal representation. That’s bad news for the rule of law and protection of individual rights.

    Lawyers are not their clients, and they don’t have to adopt their clients’ views to zealously advocate for them. But Trump’s reprisals are making lawyers think twice about representing anyone who challenges him or the policies he supports.

    It’s also far from clear this crackdown will stop with big firms. Could small and/or public interest firms be next?

    Some may note the administration has also accused the targeted firms of violating employment discrimination laws. But there are established legal processes for fairly and transparently investigating and adjudicating those allegations. The president doesn’t get to decide by fiat that a company or person broke the law and impose whatever penalties he wants. That’s a flagrant violation of due process. And the administration’s concerns about civil rights violations don’t erase its primary stated reason for punishing the firms — their advocacy and potential viewpoints.

    FIRE and coalition partners file brief rebuking the U.S. government for attempting to deport Mahmoud Khalil for his protected speech

    Press Release

    Khalil’s arrest is an affront to the First Amendment and the cherished American principle that the government may not punish people based on their opinions.


    Read More

    Even if you share the president’s dim view of Big Law, consider that his actions set a dangerous precedent that will outlast his administration. A future president might not share Trump’s view of what constitutes “destructive causes” or what activities “limit constitutional freedoms, degrade the quality of American elections, or undermine bedrock American principles.” In the future, perhaps lawyers who represented Republican politicians, challenged mail-in voting procedures, or defended abortion restrictions will face retribution instead.

    Trump’s plan to cow firms into submission is paying off — in part. Multiple firms have made deals with the administration to avoid sanctions. Paul, Weiss was the first to cave, making commitments that included $40 million in pro bono legal services for causes the president supports. Other firms are preemptively falling in line. Skadden and Willkie Farr each pledged $100 million for the same.

    Two days ago, Milbank followed suit. In response, Trump posted on Truth Social, “The President continues to build an unrivaled network of Lawyers, who will put a stop to Partisan Lawfare in America, and restore Liberty and Justice FOR ALL.” He’s not just trying to stop firms from doing work he doesn’t like — he’s pressuring them to do work that advances his political agenda.

    Fortunately, not every firm is willing to be shaken down. Perkins Coie, Jenner & Block, and WilmerHale are challenging Trump’s unconstitutional executive orders in court, and have all secured temporary restraining orders blocking enforcement of the executive orders. 

    Yesterday, FIRE joined a broad coalition led by the ACLU to file an amicus curiae — “friend of the court” — brief supporting Perkins Coie’s lawsuit. 

    Our brief explains that the First Amendment prohibits the government from retaliating against lawyers for the clients they represent or the arguments they make. What’s more, the administration’s actions strike directly at the independence of the legal profession and threaten to unravel America’s deeply rooted commitment to individual rights. 

    As we said in our brief, “If allowed to stand, these pressure tactics will have broad and lasting impacts on Americans’ ability to retain legal counsel in important matters, to arrange their business and personal affairs as they like, and to speak their minds.” 

    Today, the chorus grew louder as more than 500 law firms signed onto a separate amicus brief in support of Perkins Coie’s legal battle. That type of collective defense of America’s core values is exactly what’s needed.

    This moment is bigger than one firm or one case. It’s about preserving the integrity of our legal system and the fundamental principles it upholds.

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