Tag: Deserve

  • Student renters deserve more support

    Student renters deserve more support

    Author:
    Graham Hayward

    Published:

    Join HEPI for a webinar on Thursday 29 January from 1.30pm to 2.30pm examining the findings of Student Working Lives (HEPI Report 195), a landmark study on how paid work is reshaping the student experience in UK higher education amid rising living costs and inadequate maintenance support. View our speakers and sign up here.

    This blog was kindly authored by Graham Hayward, Managing Director, Housing Hand.

    Much support is (quite rightly) given to young people in relation to choosing the right course at the right university. They are supported with reams of information on how to settle in at university, how to study independently, where to turn for advice on their course and how to develop essential life skills such as self-care and self-sufficiency. Universities also do much to support young people as they get used to living in halls during their first year. However, those who look to the wider private rented sector for accommodation in their second year often feel quite overwhelmed by the experience, finding a sudden dearth of information, not just from universities, but from the entire rental housing sector.

    Diving into the details

    Housing Hand surveyed over 1,700 private renters in early 2025, including 932 student renters. A staggering 76% of those student renters reported negative feelings about finding their first property. 24% felt overwhelmed, 20% uncertain, 19% anxious, 8% scared and 5% out of their depth. Concerns ranged from an inability to find a suitable or affordable property to not being accepted by the landlord if they did manage to find one. Just 6% reported feeling excited about finding their first property, and 6% happy.

    Going away to university can have a hugely positive impact on young people as they grow their independence, acquire essential life skills and develop a plentiful social life, as well as further their education. However, while universities provide a range of support for young people, they can’t (and shouldn’t) be expected to do it all. Our research suggests that the information provided to young people currently, by both the education and housing sectors, isn’t hitting the mark in terms of preparing students for renting.

    Students told us they typically get information on how to manage housing-related finances from family (37%), websites (29%), friends (15%) and social media (9%). 82% of the renters we surveyed wished there had been more financial education in school.

    Students feel the strain

    Finding suitable accommodation for university, as well as the pressure of being accepted by the landlord is, in the words of one student survey respondent, “exhausting”. It’s a challenge that many students face as they approach their second year of study – a far cry from the protection that living in university halls affords during their first year typically. It signals that there is much more that partnerships across the higher education and rental sectors could do to prepare young people for the experience of finding a first home.

    Doing so would not only support them to enjoy the process more, due to their increased confidence, but could also reduce the potential for student renters to make costly mistakes. Our research found that only 30% of student renters knew about deposit-less rental schemes, while just 47% knew about deposit protection schemes. We also found that 38% of students didn’t know what a guarantor was at the point they were asked to provide one.

    Students’ lack of rental sector experience puts them at a disadvantage compared to other renters and can result in them feeling overwhelmed. It is exacerbated by the fact that many of their parents also lack recent knowledge or experience of today’s rental market. This makes the process of finding a rental home stressful and can result in some student renters missing out on the property they want.

    Solving students’ rental stresses

    The passing of the Renters’ Rights Act, which marks the biggest shakeup to the rental sector in a generation, presents the ideal opportunity to address students’ knowledge gap. With both renters and accommodation providers needing to understand the changes that the Act is introducing, there is an opportunity to communicate clearly and effectively.

    The rental sector has the chance to work with educational establishments to help achieve this, ensuring the newest generation of renters has all the knowledge needed to move ahead with confidence. Preparing young people to rent a home shouldn’t be yet another burden for universities to carry; instead, the rental and education sectors must work in partnership to ensure they provide information in an easily digestible format to help empower young people from the very outset of their rental journey. Together, we have an opportunity to educate and empower, delivering a game-changing experience for young renters.

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  • Students in Wales deserve better protection from Medr

    Students in Wales deserve better protection from Medr

    Medr, the new higher education regulator in Wales, carried out an initial consultation around a year ago on its regulatory system.

    It has now produced more detailed proposals in this area and is inviting consultation responses. In the proposed regulatory approach, most requirements will apply from August 2026, with some coming into force a year later.

    Medr aims to “establish minimum expectations for compliance” and to ensure ‘that non-compliance is addressed with proportionate intervention’. Despite this, on the basis of what is in the consultation documents, Medr’s proposed regulatory approach does not outline minimum expectations for compliance in relation to gender-based violence in HE.

    The regulatory condition on “staff and learner welfare” within Medr’s proposed regulatory system covers “policies, procedures and services that promote and support staff and learner wellbeing and safety”, the latter term encompassing “freedom from harms” including harassment, misconduct, violence (including sexual violence) and hate crime (all defined in Medr’s Glossary of Terms).

    But mandatory regulatory action on addressing sexual harassment, or gender-based violence more widely, is not mentioned in the proposals and any requirements for data collection are left unclear.

    Nor does it appear that Medr are planning to publish a stand-alone regulatory condition on gender-based violence or carry out independent data collection in this area. This is particularly surprising as Medr has previously requested data reporting from HEIs on policies, training, prevention activities, and definitions used in this area (in November 2024).

    The data reported to them was, they stated, going to be used (among other things) to “inform our policy and registration developments”. In the documents shared as part of the consultation, it is not clear whether or how this data has been drawn on to develop the draft regulatory strategy.

    Nor has there been any mention of a forthcoming regulatory condition on gender-based violence, and indeed it would be counter-intuitive to introduce a regulatory system now only to amend it in a year or two’s time. We have to assume, therefore, that this is the totality of Medr’s proposed regulation in this area.

    By contrast, the Office for Students in England – Medr’s regulatory sibling – has introduced a specific regulatory condition (E6) for addressing ‘harassment and sexual misconduct in higher education, in force since 1st August 2025. It has also gathered and published data to inform this approach (which both Jim and I have written about on Wonkhe).

    But from what has been published so far on Medr’s proposed regulatory approach, there will be nothing comparable to what is in place in England, let alone to stronger frameworks such as in Australia.

    This is an urgent public health issue. There are around 149,000 students in Wales. Extrapolating from these numbers using Steele et al.’s study of Oxford University – the most robust we have methodologically in the UK at present – we would expect that around 29,800 students would experience attempted or forced sexual touching or rape every year.

    This figure does not include students who may experience stalking, sexual harassment (online or offline) or non-sexual forms of intimate partner abuse – so the total number of students who experience gender-based violence would be higher than this.

    Indeed, the Crime Survey of England and Wales consistently finds that students are roughly twice as likely as other occupational group most likely to experience stalking, sexual violence and domestic abuse.

    If Medr’s proposals are implemented in a similar form to the consultation version, a two-tier system will come into force between England and Wales. Requirements will be in place for English universities to train all staff and students, prohibit staff-student intimate relationships, and implement ‘fair’ processes for handling complaints, among other provisions. In Wales, none of these provisions will be required.

    Linking up with Wales’ national strategy

    These gaps are especially surprising in the context of a strong Welsh national strategy on Violence against Women, Domestic Abuse and Sexual Violence (VAWDASV), which has a lot of material that is relevant to higher education institutions.

    For example, Objective 2 is to “increase awareness in children, young people and adults of the importance of safe, equal and healthy relationships and empowering them to positive personal choices” and objective 4 is to “make early intervention and prevention a priority”.

    Overall, the strategy takes a public health approach to VAWDASV, prioritising data-driven efforts in this area.

    Unfortunately this approach is not clearly linked up with Medr’s regulatory approach. Medr’s consultation document does state that:

    To comply with this condition, providers must […] take account of other expectations such as those of Welsh Government (Annex B, p.71-2)

    However, the objectives of the national VAWDASV strategy do not appear to have informed the development of the proposed regulatory system. There is no discussion, for example, of early intervention and prevention, nor any clear route through which Medr could require HEIs to take action in this area.

    Staff and learner welfare

    As noted above, staff and learner welfare is the regulatory category that covers “harassment, misconduct, violence (including sexual violence) and hate crime”. The regulatory conditions Medr proposes are that:

    • All tertiary providers must conduct an annual staff and learner welfare self-evaluation
    • The annual staff and learner welfare self-evaluation must be approved by the providers’ governing body or equivalent

    These provisions demonstrate the reliance on self-evaluation in Medr’s approach. But Medr will not scrutinise or even see the self-assessments that are carried out by HEIs, only asking for the action plans produced as a result of these self-evaluations to be submitted to them. Medr “will only call in self-evaluations if concerns and risks are raised or identified.”

    This creates a catch-22 situation. It allows gender-based violence to remain invisible within HEIs if they choose not to collect data or self-evaluate in relation to it. The only consistent data collection in this area is the Crime Survey of England and Wales, which does not disaggregate data by institution, or allow for urgent risks to be identified, so this is not helpful for assessing an institution-level approach.

    Other than that, there is currently no mandatory data collection within or across higher education institutions in Wales relating to gender-based violence experienced by students or by staff.

    As a result, within the existing data landscape, there is no way in which concerns or risks can be raised or identified by Medr. Under the proposed regulatory system, HEIs will have discretion as to whether or not they choose to include issues relating to gender-based violence in their self-evaluation.

    If they choose not to include gender-based violence, they will be able to self-evaluate and create an action plan that does not mention this issue – and still remain compliant with Medr’s regulatory approach.

    Perhaps people can report “issues and concerns” directly to Medr? Unfortunately not. Medr states on their website that:

    We might become involved in issues with regulated institutions: which charge excess full-time undergraduate fees; which fail to comply with fee and access plan requirements; whose quality of education is inadequate; which don’t comply with the Financial Management Code; or which don’t comply with their Prevent duty.

    Gender-based violence is not included in areas in which Medr will “become involved”. Complaints made directly to Medr will not, therefore, provide any basis on which Medr will assess HEIs’ compliance on staff and learner welfare relating to gender-based violence.

    To sum up, the approach outlined in the consultation document means that cases of gender-based violence may not be visible in institutional or sector-level data. They will only emerge via survivors and activists raising issues via mainstream media or social media after failures have already occurred, as is currently being exemplified in mainstream media reporting.

    Complaints

    Often, the only way in which gender-based violence becomes visible to an institution is through complaints. The regulatory approach to complaints policies and data reporting is therefore important to scrutinise.

    Medr’s proposed condition of regulation on complaints procedures states that:

    …All providers registered with or funded by Medr must have in place a procedure for investigating complaints made by learners and former learners about an act or omission of the provider, and take reasonable steps to make the procedure known to learners.

    That’s all. There is no provision in the regulatory approach that requires such complaint processes to be demonstrated to be effective. Furthermore, the “primary source of monitoring for this condition” will be providers’ self-declaration they have met the compliance requirements.

    There is no requirement for regular review of complaints processes on the basis of feedback or information-gathering to assess their effectiveness. This is inadequate.

    There is a brief mention of the Office for the Independent Adjudicator for HE (OIAHE):

    Medr will consider data relating to complaints numbers, patterns and trends. For providers within the complaints scheme of the Office of the Independent Adjudicator, data will be sourced via the scheme.

    This is to be welcomed, especially as the OIAHE is currently consulting on its guidance for handling harassment and sexual misconduct complaints. But it is insufficient as the sole mechanisms for gathering data on complaints, and it is important to note its limitations.

    My research has demonstrated that in relation to complaints of staff-student sexual misconduct – a serious risk to student welfare and to equality of opportunity – students have been unable to access the services of the OIAHE to escalate their complaint because they are unable to complete the complaints process at their own institution.

    This leads to risk to student welfare (both those reporting and others who might be targeted by the same staff member); and reputational risks for the sector as well as individual higher education institutions, as students who are unable to gain safety or remedy by using existing complaints and regulatory structures are obliged to remain in unsafe, harmful situations (or drop out), and may turn to the media to raise awareness of their situation and protect others.

    This is a particularly urgent issue in Wales due to a recent High Court case from the Royal Welsh College of Music and Drama (RWCMD) taken out by two students, Sydney Feder and Alyse McCamish, where the RWCMD was found to have failed in its duties to follow its own policies or to investigate issues with a reasonable duty of care. This case was unusual in that the two students who took forward this case had the resources and knowledge to do so and were willing and able to fight a six-year battle to get their case through the courts.

    Based on my research with students and staff who have reported gender-based violence to their institutions, there are many other failures from higher education institutions across the UK that could lead to similar legal challenges, but with very short time limits, insufficient legal aid, and the absence of a culture of taking legal action in the UK in this area, these cases have tended not to be taken forward.

    Student complainants should not have to go through multiple rounds of complaints process at their HEI and then the OIAHE, taking months or – more often – years, in order to access safety and remedy during their studies.

    A further issue is the need for a mechanism for students, staff, and their advocates to be able to alert the regulator to issues of serious concern with safety, where they have not been able to raise issues within complaints processes.

    For example, where a staff member is targeting students with sexualised or harassing messages, but the university are failing to stop the behaviour, leading to students being unable to safely access teaching and learning, with serious risks to student welfare. There are also potential situations where safety concerns could lead to student or staff suicide, where urgent action may be needed to prevent very serious outcomes, in line with the crucial campaign for a duty of care in UK HE by #ForThe100.

    If sufficient action is not being taken by the institution to address student/staff safety, there needs to be a mechanism via which these concerns can be escalated. There is no provision for this in current regulations.

    Reportable events

    More familiar concerns from across UK HE are also evident in the proposed regulatory system. Universities in Wales, as “exempt charities” are regulated by Medr instead of the Charity Commission.

    However – as we have previously raised as an issue in England, and as Mary Synge has outlined in detail in relation to broader legal arguments – this has led to HEIs being much more lightly regulated than the rest of the charity sector.

    In relation to in relation to safeguarding and sexual harassment/abuse, this is a particularly urgent issue. Unfortunately, the regulatory proposals embed these different standards of regulation for HEIs compared to other charities in relation to “reportable events”, i.e. incidents that the regulator needs to be informed about.

    Charity Commission guidance states that “you should report an incident if it results in, or risks, significant harm to people who come into contact with your charity through its work […or] harm to your charity’s work or reputation”.

    A related document gives examples of what to report including an allegation that a staff member has physically or sexually assaulted or neglected a beneficiary whilst under the charity’s care; or an allegation that a trustee, staff member or volunteer has been sexually assaulted by another trustee, staff member or volunteer.

    Medr’s proposed regulatory approach retains the language of “significant harm” without defining what this means, without giving examples of what to report, and without naming sexual assault or safeguarding issues. It does, however, outline a separate category of “notifiable events” that include “a matter relating to the provider’s compliance with the Prevent duty”.

    This approach – as with the Office for Students’ approach in England – is unjustifiable given the high levels of gender-based violence occurring in higher education. The regulatory approach should be amended to align with the Charity Commission guidance.

    The issues outlined in the Charity Commission guidance would constitute a serious risk to the operation of an HEI in its charitable function, and as such must be overseen by the regulator. At the very least, Medr’s regulatory approach needs to clarify what constitutes ‘significant harm’. This should include incidents that could constitute serious sexual harm.

    Furthermore, it is unclear why “notifiable events” include breaches of compliance relating to the Prevent duty, but not other legal duties such as breaches of equalities, health and safety, or safeguarding legal duties.

    Moving beyond self-regulation of HEIs

    The proposed regulatory approach states that “monitoring activity” will allow Medr to ascertain “whether providers are meeting their Conditions of Registration and/or Funding, and whether any regulatory concern or risk is emerging”.

    As the regulatory approach stands, this claim is inaccurate in relation to gender-based violence – without any data being reported to Medr in this area, or even gathered by HEIs in many cases, there is no way in which Medr will be able to assess any risks in this area.

    There can be no charitable institutions in the UK where the risks of sexual violence, exploitation and abuse are higher than in universities. Gender-based violence in higher education is a major public health concern and should also be a high priority when considering equal access to education. As such, HEIs should be subject to the most stringent regulation.

    If Medr considers that the regulatory strategy more broadly is not the right place to set out these more detailed requirements, a further regulatory condition from Medr in this area on HEIs’ responsibilities in relation to gender-based violence should be published.

    However, the Office for Students already have an explicit regulatory condition in this area and I can’t see a good reason why Medr should wait any longer before taking such a step. Either way, within this consultation document, the foundations need to be laid to enable this work to be done. The regulatory strategy proposed, as it stands, will leave the higher education sector to continue to self-regulate around issues of gender-based violence, despite evidence of high prevalence.

    A further point that should be considered in a regulatory approach is transparency. This is crucial because transparency and openness are a primary concern for students who report gender-based violence to their HEI. But HEIs are unlikely to take these steps towards transparency without the regulator requiring them to do so.

    In recognition of this need for regulators to require transparency, in a recent review for the Higher Education Authority of the Irish Government’s national framework for Ending Sexual Violence and Harassment (ESVH), the Expert Group (which I chaired) have recommended that

    Institutions publish information on ESVH work as part of their public EDI reporting, including anonymised data on formal reports and outcomes, good practice case studies, an evaluation of education and training initiatives, and other relevant data.

    This recommendation looks likely to be adopted nationally in Ireland, requiring all HEIs to take this step in the coming years. However, in the Medr regulatory strategy, “transparency, accountability and public trust” is only discussed in relation to “governance and management”.

    While Medr states more generally that they “encourage a culture of openness and transparency” this appears to only relate to reporting from HEIs to Medr – not to relationships between HEIs and their staff and student body. A fundamental shift is therefore needed in order to move towards greater transparency around institutional data reporting and actions on gender-based violence.

    Overall, Medr appear to be relying on data on gender-based violence to emerge via existing, inadequate, data sources, or to allow HEIs to choose whether and how they gather this data. Such an approach will not be effective – if you do not directly and explicitly gather data about gender-based violence, it will remain invisible, not least because those who experience even the most severe forms of gender-based violence often do not label their experiences as such.

    More generally, this approach goes against the direction of travel internationally in higher education policy in relation to gender-based violence, leaving Welsh students and staff underserved compared to their peers in England, Ireland, France, Australia, and elsewhere.

    This means that future generations of students and staff will continue to be at risk. Medr must be much bolder in order to fulfil its stated approach to regulation of “clear, enforceable rules that establish minimum expectations for compliance” in relation to gender-based violence in HE.

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  • International Students Deserve Better (opinion)

    International Students Deserve Better (opinion)

    I recently caught up with a former student pursuing her doctorate. Her project is timely. She is Cameroonian and a legal resident in the United States studying how pro-democracy movements succeed or how and when they fail. Students like her benefit our nation’s economy and our global ability to promote democracy and peace at home and abroad.

    As she and I chatted, I detected exhaustion in her voice. I asked her how she is holding up. She replied with unmistakable sadness: “In Cameroon, I felt like my voice was stifled. I thought I could finally use my voice in the United States. I no longer feel that way.”

    As a current international student, she lives in constant fear. Campus administrators have cautioned her against speeding or driving with a broken taillight. Her faculty adviser serves as her emergency contact if she is detained by federal immigration authorities.

    The extraordinary crackdown on international students enrolled at U.S. universities, including the more than 400 students in my state of Texas alone who learned that their visa status had been canceled in spring of 2025, has little precedent in recent history. While officials in Washington restored students’ visa statuses in response to court rulings, the Department of State has begun reviewing visa applicants’ social media accounts “for any indications of hostility towards the citizens, culture, government, institutions or founding principles of the United States.”

    As a university instructor, my classes have been enriched by the perspectives of international students. But their benefit to this country extends beyond their academic participation. Each year, upwards of 150,000 college-age youth participate in the little-known low-wage employment-based categories of the J-1 visa, including the Summer Work Travel, trainee, intern and au pair programs. Participants work in low-wage jobs at restaurants, in hotels and in homes providing live-in day care for thousands of American families.

    The J-1 Exchange Visitor Program began with modest enrollment in the 1960s to promote Cold War–era public diplomacy. But numbers have grown in recent decades, transforming these employment-based categories into a significant stream of temporary foreign workers. A major draw is the low cost of employing them. Employers avoid most payroll taxes and sidestep bureaucratic red tape. Since the State Department oversees the program, there is no labor market testing or commitment to public data as is standard with Department of Labor foreign worker programs.

    My multiyear findings and those of others—including the findings from a recent investigation by The New York Times—illuminate several J-1 program shortcomings: fraud in recruitment, inadequate and overpriced housing, and a failure of the State Department and designated cultural sponsors to address reports of abuse. In practice, sponsors amount to labor brokers who collect $1,000 to $5,000 to match a J-1 participant with an employer. I will never forget the Peruvian Summer Work Travel participant who wept as he described losing his job and housing amid COVID shutdowns. Neither his employer nor sponsor came to his aid. Instead, the Peruvian consulate sheltered and fed him until he found a way home. What his experience made clear to me was how weak J-1 protections are and how, amid a crisis like COVID, instead of building bonds of international friendship and goodwill, his J-1 cultural sponsor host and employer abandoned him in a crucial time of need.

    Similarly, the demand for work authorization through the Optional Practical Training program, available to international students here on the F-1 visa, has skyrocketed, growing from 154,522 in 2007 to 418,781 in 2024. Like for J-1 visas, the Labor Department has no formal regulatory role over the OPT program, which instead is administered by the Department of Homeland Security. The OPT program originated in 1992 as a pilot initiative, and after intensive corporate lobbying, the government tripled the maximum duration of the program.

    The resulting problems with the OPT program are obvious and preventable. Journalists and scholars have documented unchecked and underregulated growth, sham employment offers, and systematic underpayment, along with the proliferation of so-called body shops, staffing agencies that hire foreign workers and then rent them out to big-name tech firms—often at bargain-basement rates.

    Undoubtedly, the risks faced by international students on campus versus at work differ substantially. So do their causes: The threat to international students on campus results from a hard political turn against immigration in rhetoric and policy and an effort to censor free speech in higher education. The risks faced by J-1 and F-1/OPT workers stem from the ongoing demand among U.S. employers for cheap, compliant migrant workers. Yet, Congress legislated pathways for both to promote democracy and global understanding between U.S. and foreign citizens, aims from which we have drastically strayed.

    Prohibiting J-1 recruitment fees, shifting oversight of J-1 and OPT programs to the Labor Department, and making available comprehensive labor data for both would result in far better treatment and stewardship of international youth and more fairness to U.S. workers. It would also shed light on the opaque inner workings of U.S. temporary migrant worker policy at a time when mass deportation and the gutting of temporary protected status and refugee programs only heighten demand for new sources of low-priced and flexible labor, labor that immigrant populations have long been called upon by U.S. employers to do.

    Cate Bowman is an associate professor of sociology at Austin College, specializing in immigration and labor issues.

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