Tag: forthcoming

  • The forthcoming NHS workforce plan must treat universities as partners

    The forthcoming NHS workforce plan must treat universities as partners

    When the NHS launched its Long-Term Workforce Plan in 2023, it set out an ambitious vision: to nearly double the number of doctors and nurses through the first fully comprehensive national workforce strategy in its history. For universities (the institutions responsible for training these professionals) it offered rare clarity. Yet without a clear funding and implementation framework, progress quickly stalled.

    Two years on, that ambition has not only faltered but, in some respects, reversed. Both universities and NHS trusts face severe financial pressures: universities are cutting courses and staff, while trusts reduce job vacancies and apprenticeships. Meanwhile, universities remain excluded from decisions shaping the future workforce.

    Although Labour supported the Conservatives’ plan while in opposition, in office it has taken a different approach. The NHS 10-year plan, published last June, gave limited attention to workforce issues.

    With the government committed to reducing net migration, boosting homegrown staff remains a priority, though now on a smaller scale. An entirely new workforce plan is expected in the spring, envisaging fewer staff – but with better conditions and “more exciting roles”. In the meantime, a radical change in the relationship between the NHS and higher education is needed.

    Contradictions

    Alliance universities educate a third of England’s nurses, a significant share of allied health professionals, and a growing number of doctors. We’re innovating and collaborating on degree apprenticeships, opening medical schools and creating new pathways into health careers. Yet as with the previous long-term workforce plan, universities have barely been consulted – despite being central to delivering the workforce the NHS needs.” The recent call for evidence on the forthcoming plan didn’t mention universities once.

    That is why key bodies representing healthcare educators recently sent a joint letter to health ministers calling for education, training, and research to be at the heart of the 10-year workforce plan. We are asking for a cross-government taskforce to coordinate efforts on student recruitment, retention, clinical placement capacity, and planning. These systematic issues are at the heart of the NHS workforce crisis – not poor-quality education and training.

    Universities can help scale solutions, but only if government stops pulling policy levers in opposite directions. These contradictions undermine progress: the Department for Education’s decision to scrap level 7 apprenticeship funding directly conflicts with the NHS’ emphasis on advanced practice. Add to that the patchy engagement of Integrated Care Systems with educators, leaving universities uncertain about their role in local workforce planning.

    Despite these mixed signals, universities continue to devise innovative approaches. At Oxford Brookes, the School of Nursing and Midwifery operates as a joint venture with two NHS trusts, sharing leadership and strategic planning to align education with workforce needs. In North Central London, Middlesex University works with the Integrated Care Board to raise the profile of nursing in social care, providing bespoke training that has cut A&E admissions from care homes. These partnerships show what’s possible when universities are treated as equal partners, aligning education with workforce needs and improving patient outcomes.

    Joint work on the pipeline

    But innovation alone can’t compensate for a shrinking recruitment pipeline, which is still largely unaddressed by policymakers. Nursing applications have fallen post-Covid and in the wake of the cost-of-living crisis. Attrition figures often mislead: many students do not drop out but delay completion due to life pressures – financial strain, caring responsibilities, and mental health challenges. Intensive placements leave little room for paid work, compounding these pressures. University Alliance supports the RCN’s proposal for a loan forgiveness scheme in exchange for time served and an uprated learning support fund to keep students in training.

    If we want a future-ready nursing and midwifery workforce, we need to ditch the outdated obsession with counting hours and start focusing on outcomes. The NMC will soon be consulting to reduce its requirements from 4,600 to 3,600 programme hours, which is a small step in the right direction.

    The pandemic showed what’s possible when regulators embrace flexibility. Emergency standards unlocked innovation in simulation and digital training. Today, Alliance universities use augmented reality mannequins and advanced simulation suites to replicate hospital and home-care settings – boosting confidence and easing placement pressures. Scaling these solutions, however, requires capital investment and regulatory reform – neither of which is happening fast enough.

    Flexibility isn’t just about training hours – it’s about pathways too. Degree apprenticeships have been one of the NHS’s success stories, creating alternative routes into nursing and allied health professions. However, without attention, the NHS risks losing one of its most flexible entry points into the profession.

    Social Market Foundation research found that intensive inspection regimes, audits and reporting processes from multiple oversight bodies are driving up costs and leading to some universities leaving the market. Some successful programmes have been paused because employers can’t afford backfill costs. Anglia Ruskin University developed the UK’s first medical doctor degree apprenticeship to tackle shortages in rural communities at considerable cost – only for the level 7 funding decision to slam the brakes on expansion.

    Long-term ambitions

    Finally, if the NHS is to move beyond a hospital-centric model – a long-term government ambition – universities must help drive that change. The infrastructure to support the shift to community care has been hollowed out over decades.

    Alliance universities are piloting community nursing pathways, increasingly arranging placements in primary care and social care settings. But growth is significantly hampered by a shortage of community staff able to supervise students. Without investment and clear career routes, graduates will continue to gravitate toward acute settings, and the vision of neighbourhood care will remain a mirage.

    The next workforce plan is a chance to break the cycle of short-term fixes and build a sustainable system. That means joining-up health and education policy, embracing regulatory flexibility, and investing in the infrastructure that enables transformation. Above all, it means treating universities as strategic partners. Without these measures, ambitions for a homegrown, future-ready workforce will remain out of reach.

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  • WEEKEND READING: Should the seminal Robbins report inform the forthcoming post-16 strategy?

    WEEKEND READING: Should the seminal Robbins report inform the forthcoming post-16 strategy?

    HEPI’s Director, Nick Hillman, spent Friday at a conference organised by SKOPE (the Centre for Skills, Knowledge, and Organisational Performance), part of the University of Oxford’s Department of Education. It was overseen by James Robson, Professor of Tertiary Education Systems, and featured the Minister for Skills, Baroness (Jacqui) Smith, among many others.

    In his opening address, Professor Robson articulated the growing consensus that, when it comes to post-school education, the time has come:

    1. to replace competition with coordination;
    2. to allow place-based approaches to flourish; and
    3. to unlock new opportunities for the benefit of students and employers.

    In her remarks, Jacqui Smith agreed, arguing for an end to ‘town / gown’ splits. The Minister emphasised she thinks higher education must reach out to other parts of the education sector: while she recognises the majority of future skills needs will be at a higher level, she wants to bring down the ‘artificial’ barriers between FE and HE in a ‘coordinated’ and ‘facilitated’ way.

    Some people in the audience interpreted this as meaning universities’ only hope of more money is to do the Government’s bidding and, either way, the higher education sector clearly needs to get ready for a more directive approach from a more active state. The basic idea seems to be to have everyone work together to raise productivity, level up the regions outside London and deliver more social mobility.

    It may sound lovely but these issues are as old as houses and, whenever I think of them, I think of those paragraphs from the Robbins committee – which was designed ‘to review the pattern of full-time higher education’ – that wrestle with freedom versus direction. The Robbins report struggled with the right level of co-ordination and, while much of what it said reflected Lionel Robbins’s liberal views, it also envisaged a role for oversight and direction:

    Will it be possible to secure the advantages of co-ordination while preserving the advantages of liberty? The question is of critical importance. Freedom of institutions as well as individual freedom is an essential constituent of a free society and the tradition of academic freedom in this country has deep roots in the whole history of our people. We are convinced also that such freedom is a necessary condition of the highest efficiency and the proper progress of academic institutions, and that encroachments upon their liberty, in the supposed interests of greater efficiency, would in fact diminish their efficiency and stultify their development. …

    We believe that a system that aims at the maximum of independence compatible with the necessary degree of public control is good in itself, as reflecting the ultimate values of a free society. We believe that a multiplicity of centres of initiative safeguards spontaneity and variety, and therefore provides the surest guarantee of intellectual progress and moral responsibility. We do not regard such freedom as a privilege but rather as a necessary condition for the proper discharge of the higher academic functions as we conceive them. …

    The difficulties are greatest when it is a question whether institutions of higher education should have the ultimate right to determine their own size. … if funds are available, refusal to co-operate in national policies or to meet national emergencies is an unsympathetic attitude, and it would be easy to think of reasons why it should be overruled. … If, when all the reasons for change have been explained, the institution still prefers not to co-operate it is better that it should be allowed to follow its own path. This being so, it must not complain if various benefits going to co-operating institutions do not come its way. … [My emphasis]

    it is unlikely that separate consideration by independent institutions of their own affairs in their own circumstances will always result in a pattern that is comprehensive and appropriate in relation to the needs of society and the demands of the national economy. There is no guarantee of the emergence of any coherent policy. And this being so, it is not reasonable to expect that the Government, which is the source of finance, should be content with an absence of co-ordination or should be without influence thereon. …

    It all goes to show, yet again, that there is no such thing as a new education policy question. 

    There are a number of tests we should perhaps apply to the let’s-coordinate-everything-to-elevate-skills approach that is likely to form the core of the forthcoming post-16 strategy / white paper that is due ‘soon’ – very soon if some of those attending the conference are to be believed and not at all soon if others there are to be believed.

    First, if we can’t even build a high-speed speed trainline on budget and on time, why are we so confident we can easily build an integrated skills and education system (and without a material increase in spending)? It is surely right to at least ask whether public authorities really do know so much about the future economy’s needs that individuals should cede control over who should study what and where. Clearly, Skills England could be important here, but it is an untested beast. (I note in passing that the Smiths, Jacqui and Phil [Chair of Skills England], are getting back together to do a webinar this week.)

    Secondly, the broken model that tends to be held up in contrast to the coming smooth one is a market in which there is lots of wasteful competition, excessive homogeneity and a lack of focus on the country’s needs. But the idea that the only alternative to a coordinated system is a pure and chaotic market is bunkum. We’ve not had a pure market in higher education and I’ve never met anyone who wants one. Neither the political centre nor the Far-byn (or is it Cor-age?) axis want one. Perhaps we are letting ourselves be blinded by the idea that there are only two options: a pure red-in-tooth-and-claw market, which is a caricature of what we have, and a cuddly coordinated system, which will be harder to deliver than we pretend.

    Thirdly, where is the space for education for education’s sake? As one member of the audience pointed out at the SKOPE conference, current discussions are so focused on ‘skills’ and the economy that education is sometimes becoming lost. Yet FE and HE collaboration is difficult at a practical and day-to-day level. Kath Mitchell, the Vice-Chancellor of Derby University, pointed out the challenges of running an FE college and a university together – for example pointing out that Buxton and Leek College is (absurdly) barred from receiving FE capital funding because it counts as part of the University of Derby.

    Fourthly, we should question the assumption underlying current critiques that our universities are much too homogeneous. They do have some things in common, though one might just as well point out that all education institutions that share a legally-protected title controlled by strict criteria, such as ‘university’, are always going to have some things in common. But I’ve visited pretty much every UK university, and many of them multiple times, and I would urge anyone who thinks they’re all the same to do something similar. Just compare the two universities I know best (as I’m on their boards), Manchester and Buckingham: the former is a research-intensive institution with a turnover of £1.4 billion,  12,000 staff and 47,000 students while the other is a teaching-intensive place (‘the home of two-year degrees’) with a turnover of £50 million, 500 staff and 3,500 students as well as the only private medical school in the UK. Or compare the LSE and UCA (the University of the Creative Arts). Or Falmouth University and Newcastle University. These things are not the same.

    Finally / fifthly, as Andy Westwood pointed out in his remarks at the SKOPE conference, devolution is ‘non-existent’ in large parts of the country. So what does ‘a coordinated place-based approach’ really mean there? It’s one thing if you’re in Greater Manchester; it’s quite another if you’re in a rural area far from the nearest town or city, college or university. Moreover, while it is true that the old Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) had a regional aspect to its work which we could well copy today, it was a big funder as well as a regulator and it had a substantial regional presence.

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  • FIRE statement on reports of forthcoming executive order on student visas and campus protests

    FIRE statement on reports of forthcoming executive order on student visas and campus protests

    President Donald Trump is expected to sign an executive order today threatening action against international students in the United States for their involvement in campus protests related to Israel and Hamas. 

    Per reports, President Trump promises to “quickly cancel the student visas of all Hamas sympathizers on college campuses, which have been infested with radicalism like never before,” and to deport students who joined “pro-jihadist protests.” 

    The revocation of student visas should not be used to punish and filter out ideas disfavored by the federal government. The strength of our nation’s system of higher education derives from the exchange of the widest range of views, even unpopular or dissenting ones.

    Students who commit crimes — including vandalism, threats, or violence — must face consequences, and those consequences may include the loss of a visa. But if today’s executive order reaches beyond illegal activity to instead punish students for protest or expression otherwise protected by the First Amendment, it must be withdrawn.

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