Tag: free

  • 2026 College Free Speech Rankings: America’s colleges get an ‘F’ for poor free speech climate

    2026 College Free Speech Rankings: America’s colleges get an ‘F’ for poor free speech climate

    • Claremont McKenna takes the top spot, while Barnard College, Columbia University, and Indiana University come in last.
    • 166 of the 257 schools surveyed got an F for their speech climate.
    • For the first time ever, a majority of students would prevent speakers from both the left and right who express controversial views, ranging from abortion to transgender issues, from stepping foot on campus.

    WASHINGTON, D.C., Sept. 9, 2025 – If America’s colleges could earn report cards for free speech friendliness, most would deserve an “F”— and conservative students are increasingly joining their liberal peers in supporting censorship.

    The sixth annual College Free Speech Rankings, released today by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression and survey partner College Pulse, show a continued decline in support for free speech among all students, but particularly conservatives. Students of every political persuasion show a deep unwillingness to encounter controversial ideas. The survey, which is the most comprehensive look at campus expression in the country, ranked 257 schools based on 68,510 student responses to a wide array of free speech-related questions.

    The rankings come at a notable moment for free speech on college campuses: clashes over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a vigorous and aggressive culture of student activism, and the Trump administration’s persistent scrutiny of higher education. 

    “This year, students largely opposed allowing any controversial campus speaker, no matter that speaker’s politics,” said FIRE President and CEO Greg Lukianoff. “Rather than hearing out and then responding to an ideological opponent, both liberal and conservative college students are retreating from the encounter entirely. This will only harm students’ ability to think critically and create rifts between them. We must champion free speech on campus as a remedy to our culture’s deep polarization.”

    The best colleges for free speech

    1. Claremont McKenna College
    2. Purdue University
    3. University of Chicago
    4. Michigan Technological University
    5. University of Colorado, Boulder
    6. University of North Carolina, Greensboro
    7. Vanderbilt University
    8. Appalachian State University
    9. Eastern Kentucky University
    10. North Carolina State University

    The worst colleges for free speech

    1. Loyola University, Chicago

    2. Middlebury College

    3. New York University

    4. Boston College

    5. University of California, Davis

    6. Northeastern University

    7. University of Washington

    8. Indiana University

    9. Columbia University

    10. Barnard College

    EXPLORE THE RANKINGS

    For the second time, Claremont McKenna has claimed the top spot in the rankings. Speech controversies at the highest-rated schools are rare, and their administrations are more likely to support free speech. The schools that improved their score the most, including Dartmouth College and Vanderbilt University, worked to reform their policies and recently implemented new programs that support free speech and encourage open discourse. 

    The lowest-rated schools are home to restrictive speech policies and some of last year’s most shocking anti-free speech moments, including threats to press freedom, speaker cancellations, and the quashing of student protests.

    “Even one egregious anti-free speech incident can destroy students’ trust in their administration and cause a school to plummet in the rankings,” said FIRE Vice President of Research Angela C. Erickson. “If campus administrators, faculty, and students want to enjoy an atmosphere of trust on campus, they can start by protecting each other’s rights.”

    Other key findings from the report include:

    • 166 of the 257 schools surveyed got an F for their speech climate, while only 11 schools received a speech climate grade of C or higher.
    • Only 36% of students said that it was “extremely” or “very” clear that their administration protects free speech on campus.
    • A record 1 in 3 students now holds some level of acceptance – even if only “rarely” — for resorting to violence to stop a campus speech.
    • 53% of students say that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a difficult topic to discuss openly on campus. On 21 of the campuses surveyed, at least 75% of students said this — including 90% of students at Barnard.
    • For the first time ever, a majority of students oppose their school allowing any of the six controversial speakers they were asked about onto campus — three controversial conservative speakers and three controversial liberal ones.

    “More students than ever think violence and chaos are acceptable alternatives to peaceful protest,” said FIRE Chief Research Advisor Sean Stevens. “This finding cuts across partisan lines. It is not a liberal or conservative problem — it’s an American problem. Students see speech that they oppose as threatening, and their overblown response contributes to a volatile political climate.” 

    Explore the full rankings here.


    The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to defending and sustaining the individual rights of all Americans to free speech and free thought—the most essential qualities of liberty. FIRE recognizes that colleges and universities play a vital role in preserving free thought within a free society. To this end, we place a special emphasis on defending the individual rights of students and faculty members on our nation’s campuses, including freedom of speech, freedom of association, due process, legal equality, religious liberty, and sanctity of conscience.

    CONTACT 

    Katie Stalcup, Communications Campaign Manager, FIRE: 215-717-3473; [email protected] 

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  • Free speech and ‘the executive power’ with Advisory Opinions

    Free speech and ‘the executive power’ with Advisory Opinions

    What are the limits of presidential power? How many
    days has it been since President Trump’s TikTok ban moratorium went
    into place? What is the state of the conservative legal movement?
    And where did former FIRE president David French
    go on his first date?

    French and Sarah Isgur
    of the popular legal podcast “Advisory
    Opinions
    ” join the show to answer these questions and
    discuss the few free speech issues where they disagree with
    FIRE.

    Timestamps:

    00:00 Intro

    02:18 Origin story of “Advisory Opinions”

    08:15 Disagreements between FIRE and AO

    15:04 Why FIRE doesn’t editorialize on the content of
    speech

    24:27 Limits of presidential power

    43:30 Free speech, the dread of tyrants

    51:01 The prosecution of political figures

    58:01 Cracker Barrel

    01:00:09 State of the conservative legal movement

    Enjoy listening to the podcast? Donate to FIRE today and
    get exclusive content like member webinars, special episodes, and
    more. If you became a FIRE Member
    through a donation to FIRE at thefire.org and would like access to
    Substack’s paid subscriber podcast feed, please email [email protected].

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  • Landmark free preschool program reaches too few kids

    Landmark free preschool program reaches too few kids

    In the 1980s, a public interest law group sued the state of New Jersey, saying that the way it funded education left its low-income, urban school districts at a disadvantage compared to wealthier, suburban districts.

    The lawsuit, Abbott v. Burke, yielded a number of different decisions, including a requirement that the state offer free, full-day, high-quality preschool for children ages 3 and 4 in 31 school districts.

    This new school year marks the 26th since the program was created. Researchers have found that children who attend the preschool program are better prepared for school later on, but enrollment has been dwindling. And with New Jersey leaders now focused on bringing preschool to all districts, supporters worry that the early learning program focused on children in low-income areas may not get the attention it needs.

    Park perk for kids

    Did you know every fourth grader and their family can get free admission to national parks, monuments and forests? The Sierra Club’s Outdoors for All program launched in 2015 and offers free passes each school year. Vouchers for students can be downloaded through the program’s official website. 

    This story about free preschool was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the early childhood  newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

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  • Free College Admissions Counseling for Cancer Survivors

    Free College Admissions Counseling for Cancer Survivors

    Anthony Gallonio has spent most of his career working in higher education admissions and financial aid, watching young people select, apply to and enroll in colleges. But when his daughter Grace received a cancer diagnosis 14 years ago, when she was a year old, he realized there was an underserved group of teens who needed support in college exploration: cancer patients.

    “I remember looking at these kids coming in [to the hospital] thinking, ‘How are they doing it?’” Gallonio said. “Their lives are still going on, high school is taking place, college is still in the future. We know one missed application or one missed form or one missed deadline could mean the difference between getting into a school or not or getting tens of thousands of dollars in scholarships or not.”

    In 2011, Gallonio established the National GRACE Foundation, a nonprofit that offers free information and advice on higher education for families of young people who survived childhood cancer. The group is supported by volunteers across the country who work in higher ed, illuminating the hidden curriculum to encourage student success.

    The background: GRACE, named after Gallonio’s daughter and short for Growing, Recovering and Achieving a College Education, is designed to break down barriers to enrollment for childhood cancer survivors and support parents and caregivers navigating college applications and beyond.

    “The whole goal has been to take the stress out of the college admissions and financial aid process for families who have a lot of stress going on and try to help them avoid the mistakes that I have seen over the years,” Gallonio said.

    A 2019 study of 16,700 childhood cancer survivors found that about half graduated from college; those reporting chronic conditions were even less likely to complete a degree by age 25.

    Many pediatric cancer survivors Gallonio works with aspire to careers in helping roles, including in health care, social services or research, he said. Getting into and through college is just the first step in that journey.

    How it works: GRACE provides a range of services, including offering advice on financial aid, tracking upcoming deadlines, explaining confusing terminology or jargon, and highlighting various colleges and programs that might be a good fit for the student. A majority of the students and parents come from low- or middle-income families, and they often find the foundation through word of mouth or through partnerships with hospitals.

    “I think about our services in the way that a family might hire college consultants, but we do it all for free,” Gallonio said. “That’s the group that we’re seeing—those folks who need help but also don’t have necessarily the resources to pay for [a consultant].”

    GRACE volunteers also provide in-person and webinar events for parents and caregivers on topics like college costs and scholarships.

    Once students are enrolled, GRACE supports their persistence by working as a liaison between institutions and families. They might appeal for more financial aid, for instance, or advocate for student supports through disability services offices. “We know what [families] are going through, we know what these school are going through, we kind of speak their language,” Gallonio said.

    The organization has up to 30 volunteers at any point in the academic year, but “we are always looking for volunteers in the higher ed landscape—anywhere in the country, at any type of institution,” to provide counseling to pediatric cancer survivors, Gallonio said.

    Building better: Since launching in 2011, GRACE has assisted over 300 young people in their pursuit of a college degree, and Grace, the foundation’s namesake, is “a happy and healthy 15-year-old,” Gallonio said. Families have also secured over $3 million in scholarships through the foundation’s advocacy work.

    Olivia Falzone, a rising first-year student at the College of Charleston and cancer survivor, receives the Isabel Helen Farnum Scholarship from the National Grace Foundation.

    Anthony Gallonio/National GRACE Foundation

    Over the years, GRACE has expanded services beyond the Northeastern U.S., where Gallonio is located, to support prospective students from coast to coast. As the foundation’s reach has grown, so has its perspective on postsecondary education.

    Initially, the focus was to help cancer patients have a good shot at a competitive institution. It has since expanded to highlight the value of higher education in any capacity and offer vocational or alternative pathway support as well.

    “A lot of it has to do with breaking down that [college] can be done, that it can be affordable,” Gallonio said. “The stories that we hear about debt, about the $90,000 colleges—that’s not every college, and there are colleges in every state that a family can afford to go to.”

    Gallonio is considering changing GRACE’s acronym to “Growing, Recovering and Continuing Education,” to reflect the wider range of pathways available to young people.

    This fall, GRACE will launch a mobile application and webpage so prospective students and parents can explore colleges and universities’ disability services, careers and trades, financial aid information, and selectivity rates. The app also includes a personalized scholarship search service, allowing individuals to put in their information and receive tailored suggestions for scholarships to apply for.

    “We try to make it a one stop,” Gallonio said. “We’re not charging them for usage or anything like that. Hopefully it saves our volunteers and us time.”

    We bet your colleague would like this article, too. Send them this link to subscribe to our newsletter on Student Success.

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  • Speech is Protected, But Is It This Simple? LSE Research Delves Into Student Experiences of Free Speech

    Speech is Protected, But Is It This Simple? LSE Research Delves Into Student Experiences of Free Speech

    This blog was kindly authored by Lauren Amdor, who graduated from LSE with a BSc in History and International Relations and has recently finished her post as the Activities and Communities Sabbatical Officer at LSE’s Students’ Union.

    The 2023 Higher Education (HE) Freedom of Speech Act (the Act) has long been one to watch, especially after Labour paused its implementation last July. As an LSE Students’ Union (LSESU) Sabbatical Officer, the Act raised broader questions around how students’ education would be affected, which I explored in the research project Power to Speak and subsequent focus groups.

    With 592 responses across LSE Departments, modes of study and domiciles, students were asked nine quantitative questions in the Power to Speak survey measured on a Likert scale which found that:

    • One-in-four respondents did not feel comfortable speaking up in class.
    • 75% of respondents agreed that the teacher defines what speech is accepted in the classroom.
    • 45% of respondents felt ill-equipped to encounter/respond to ‘damaging speech’ protected by free speech laws.
    • Half of the respondents agreed that campus lacked opportunities for groups with opposing views to engage in dialogue.

    The tenth qualitative question asked students what they thought ‘promoting freedom of speech should look like’, given the upcoming duty on universities to promote this under the Act.

    Student responses were coded into five thematic categories:

    • A safe environment to express or not express views (26.8%)
    • Freedom to express views without retaliation or consequences (23.6%)
    • Promoting and welcoming free speech (22.2%)
    • Students’ rights to protest (15.3%)
    • A zero tolerance to hate speech and violence (12.1%)

    Two key points emerged, which universities and students’ unions should pay particular attention to:

    1. Why did students report feeling unable to express their views?
    2. Where do students think the line is with free (but offensive) speech, and why?

    Institutional ramifications, not strictly legal ones, recurred throughout responses. This included fearing academic repercussions for articulating a converging perspective to their teachers, visa revocation and the social consequences of adopting minority viewpoints including being ‘judged’, ‘ostracised’ or ‘persecuted’. The most cited fear, however, was disciplinary action against students by the University which was also central in the Right to Protest theme. Here, students specifically referenced disciplinaries against those protesting for Palestine across higher education institutions. These various fears contributed to what students considered as ‘a chilling effect on free speech’ despite the high legal threshold for unlawful speech.

    Inadequate tools and support systems to engage with conflicting perspectives was a significant issue. Students highlighted difficulties navigating emotionally charged topics, especially as university was the first time many had encountered diametrically opposing views. Shying away from these discussions was partly down to ‘the fear of the first time’ and accidentally causing offense, particularly appearing Islamophobic or Antisemitic. Limited experience in having these conversations exacerbated the individual burden felt and reported by students, as universities had seemingly not supported necessary skill development. Fluctuating stress across the academic year also elevated anxiety around difficult conversations or debates, further reducing the capacity to cope adequately. The demographic breakdown of Question 27 of the National Student Survey (NSS) suggested that minority-group students felt less free to express their views during their studies. A focus group discussing Faith in the Classroom further explored this trend, finding that practising students wanted to avoid dealing with possible arguments around personal beliefs. Departmental colleagues additionally identified how cultural norms regarding debate contributed to an uneven baseline from which students engage (discussed in the case of Chinese international students). Universities should be aware that certain student groups feel less equipped to navigate free speech and should therefore take a tailored approach to upholding it.

    Although academic freedom laws ensure academic staff can express their views as they choose, this was considered a barrier to students participating in debate. Students consistently maintained that teachers should not necessarily ‘engineer neutrality for the sake of it’ but should be trained to foster a culture of academic disagreement without discrimination and manage conflicting views constructively and skilfully. Building trust and a positive rapport between students and academics was significant in empowering students to contest presented arguments and approach academic staff to discuss related issues.

    Students expressed concern around speech which might harm and negatively impact minority student groups, and how a hostile campus environment impacted their overall education. How potentially harmful (but legal) views were presented was of equal concern, with most students accepting such speech if it was respectful and considerate to diverse and underrepresented experiences. This is effectively the debate around balancing free speech rights with the right to privacy and protection from discrimination under the European Commission of Human Rights. While institutions consult the OfS guidance on interpreting the Act and related questions, institutions also contend with the apparent lack of clarity amongst students, reiterated by consistent calls to draw a clear line and articulate ‘what free speech is not’.

    Recommendations Arising from the Research Findings

    • Clarify how free speech, rights against discrimination and to privacy are practically balanced, and what speech or action might result in institutional disciplinaries, in an understandable way for students.
    • Create a baseline level of soft skills for respectful disagreement and debate as part of a university education, regardless of a student’s course of study.
    • Facilitate dialogue spaces ‘across religious, ethnic and ideological boundaries’, to counter polarisation, model respectful discussion of ‘controversial issues’ and assist students with this responsibility.
    • Equip teachers to facilitate debate across challenging topics while upholding Academic Freedom.

    Where Do Students’ Unions Sit?

    Students’ Unions (SU) are uniquely positioned to support students and institutions with the realities of the Act. As a student-led organisation, there is a clear opportunity to create student-led dialogue spaces for interested students, as the LSESU Campus Relations Group has done. Working with individual student societies additionally offers a chance to carve out pockets of safety for those encountering especially difficult perspectives at university. As a key liaison between institutions and students, SUs have an explanatory role to ensure students understand their rights related to the Act and university policy. And finally, as an acknowledged student voice mechanism, SUs can lobby their institutions on issues pertaining to students’ free speech or work with larger organising bodies (e.g. the National Union of Students) to lead national policy change.

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  • More Campuses Earn “Green Light” Free Speech Ratings From FIRE

    More Campuses Earn “Green Light” Free Speech Ratings From FIRE

    The number of colleges and universities with written policies that do not seriously threaten student expression are on the rise this year, according to the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression’s 19th annual “Spotlight on Speech Codes” report, published Tuesday.

    Since 2006, FIRE has grouped hundreds of public and private higher education institutions into three overall categories based on their campus speech policies: green, yellow and red lights. This year, 73 of the 490 (14.9 percent) colleges and universities surveyed received a green light ranking—meaning their policies don’t threaten free expression—compared to 63 last year. It’s the highest share since 2012, when just 3.6 percent of institutions earned green-light ratings. 

    For the first time in 19 years, the number of green-light colleges outnumbered those in the red-light category (14.7 percent), reserved for institutions with policies that “clearly and substantially restrict free speech,” according to the report. Last year, 20 percent of institutions received a red-light rating.

    Although political and institutional responses to campus protests related to the Israel-Hamas war reignited debate over free expression last year, the report attributed the decrease in red-light ratings to colleges and universities revising their policies related to harassment, hate speech and bias-reporting systems. Specifically, the report said that while bias-reporting systems have become popular over the past decade, they “have invited students to report protected speech simply because it offends them,” turned academic institutions into “referees of political and academic speech,” and created a “chilling effect on campus expression.”

    Lawsuits, free speech advocacy—from students, alumni and groups like FIRE—and lawmaker scrutiny have all spurred changes in recent years.

    “Over a dozen institutions have either substantially revised or eliminated entirely their bias reporting systems,” the report said. “Others have significantly reduced the prominence of their bias reporting teams, either by reducing the number of places on their website the team is mentioned or by requiring students enter their credentials to access the policy information.”

    FIRE rated the majority of institutions—337, or 68.8 percent—as yellow, meaning they “maintain policies that impose vague regulations on expression.” And eight colleges—including Baylor University, Brigham Young University and Hillsdale College—received a warning rating for “clearly and consistently stat[ing] that they hold a certain set of values above a commitment to freedom of speech.”

    Over all, private colleges have more restrictive policies than public colleges. Just 10.6 percent of public colleges earned red lights compared to 28 percent of private colleges—and only 7.1 percent of private colleges earned a green-light rating, compared to 17 percent of public ones.

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  • Will free expression make a comeback at Haverford College?

    Will free expression make a comeback at Haverford College?

    One of the oldest and most respected liberal arts institutions in America, Haverford College has a long history of principled protest — from its abolitionist Quaker founders to the anti-Vietnam War movement of the 20th century. In recent years, that tradition has sadly curdled into a culture of censorship. But a new free-speech committee plans to restore this lost legacy.

    In the 1960s, Haverford students joined the Free Speech Movement launched at UC Berkeley, and, bucking the national trend at the time, found themselves aided by their administrators. Haverford even chartered buses so students could attend anti-Vietnam War protests around the country.

    But Haverford has in recent years developed one of the most restrictive campus speech climates in the country. The college has plummeted in FIRE’s College Free Speech Rankings, landing 220th out of 251 schools in terms of how comfortable students are in expressing their ideas. Making matters worse, Haverford has taken the radical step of codifying its own decline. In a 2021 overhaul of its Honor Code, the college allowed the Honor Council to put students on trial for their political opinions. FIRE named it “Speech Code of the Month” and urged President Wendy Raymond to reject the changes. She did not.

    Four years later, the tide is finally turning.

    On July 9, 2025, Haverford’s Ad Hoc Committee on Freedom of Expression, Learning, and Community publicly released its final report, marking a pivotal course correction. The committee said the school’s Social Honor Code “is overly proscriptive and therefore restricts expressive freedom,” inferring that, when the code was written, “students were trying to legislate power dynamics between individuals based on a broader perception of societal imbalances and pursuit of social justice.” The committee criticized the code’s intrusion into interpersonal relationships and enforcement of ideological conformity, contributing to “a climate of silencing non-dominant viewpoints” and stifling “deeper learning and dialogue.”

    The committee got it exactly right.

    At Haverford — where liberals currently outnumber conservatives six-to-one — social justice is a broadly shared value. In 2021, that value motivated an egregiously censorious speech code. Now, nudged by news headlines in which the federal government has sought to effectively nationalize a private university and routinely undermines the First Amendment, Haverford seems to have rediscovered the importance of free speech.

    As former ACLU Executive Director Ira Glasser famously warned, “Speech restrictions are like poison gas. You see a bad speaker out there, and you don’t wanna listen to him or her anymore. So you got this poison gas and you say, ‘I’m gonna spray him with it!’ And then the wind shifts. And pretty soon, the gas blows back on you.”

    Glasser added: “And so, free speech is a kind of insurance policy. And the price you pay for that insurance policy is you gotta listen to bad people.”

    Haverford’s committee deserves credit for recognizing the absolute necessity of a strong free speech culture to a liberal arts education. Notably, the committee affirmed the importance of an open marketplace of ideas in carrying out Haverford’s educational mission, called on President Raymond to adopt an institutional statement supporting free expression, and recommended greater schoolwide investment in civil discourse programming. Perhaps most significantly, the committee called for revisions to the Social Honor Code. These changes could improve Haverford’s “red light” rating in FIRE’s Spotlight Database of speech codes as well as raise the college’s standing in our College Free Speech Rankings.

    The world is better when we embrace the humility of uncertainty — when we are willing to listen to others, debate them, work to understand them — no matter how immovable our current beliefs feel.

    Last December, FIRE sent the committee a letter offering resources and support as they reviewed Haverford’s speech climate and policies. The committee subsequently cited FIRE’s publicly available policy guidance on acceptable time, place, and manner restrictions in its final report. And the college’s new “Interim Policy on Expressive Freedom and Responsibility” passed our Policy Reform team’s review with flying colors. We encourage Haverford to make this policy permanent.

    In addition to harnessing FIRE’s insights, the committee turned to students, faculty, staff, and alumni for feedback. And even before the committee was formed, a group of students and alumni made their concerns clear with The New Kronstadt (an online magazine I created through FIRE’s Campus Scholars Program), named after the Kronstadt Rebellion in which socialist sailors in the early Soviet Union demanded free speech and other civil liberties. Vladimir Lenin didn’t take kindly to these demands and ordered the sailors slaughtered. Soviet troops massacred the rebels, illustrating how sometimes the most brutal form of censorship comes from within shared communities.

    Sounding the FIRE alarm at Haverford College

    Despite its proud history at my school, it is clear that free speech is not fully valued at Haverford College today.


    Read More

    Quite often, movements rooted in moral causes attract idealists, and idealists tend to crave clarity. Demanding conformity then becomes a way of reducing ambiguity in a morally messy world. But as Haverford alumnus and aspiring archivist Nicholas Lasinsky wrote in an op-ed for The New Kronstadt, “The world is better when we embrace the humility of uncertainty — when we are willing to listen to others, debate them, work to understand them — no matter how immovable our current beliefs feel. This is a fundamental step in any journey to understanding a topic, and a fundamental step of education.”

    Haverford seems poised to take that step again. As a Haverford alum and FIRE staffer, I’m proud to see my alma mater return to its pro-free speech roots. The work I do every day to defend free expression is shaped by the values, people, and intellectual traditions I came to know at Haverford.

    This summer, I attended the Colorado Conference on Civic Discourse to facilitate a workshop titled “Let’s Talk: Student Civil Discourse.” The keynote conversation featured Cornel West, a visiting professor at Haverford in the late 1970s and early 1980s and a frequent guest speaker on campus ever since. After watching West, a prominent left-wing defender of free thought and expression, engage in civil discourse with his friend and longtime sparring partner, the conservative legal scholar Robert P. George, I had a chance to speak with West. His face lit up when he heard I’d studied at Haverford. He remembered my old English professor and Haverford’s former president, Kimberly Benston, as a brilliant scholar of the often-censored writers Ralph Ellison and Amiri Baraka. Reflecting on how those authors shaped us, we lingered on the final line of Ellison’s Invisible Man: “Who knows but that, on the lower frequencies, I speak for you?”

    When any honest, unfiltered voice is heard, it can speak beyond identity and viewpoint, breaking a silence we may not know we shared. Finding the courage to speak is our shared human condition. 

    On a deeper level, Ellison’s Invisible Man is not only the story of one nameless black man navigating 1940s America, but a meditation on the universal struggle for self-definition and human dignity — and the necessity of free speech to achieve it. For when any honest, unfiltered voice is heard, it can speak beyond identity and viewpoint, breaking a silence we may not know we shared. Finding the courage to speak is our shared human condition. 

    This month, Haverford found its voice again — and called for its administrators to reaffirm the right of its community to speak freely. Now, college leadership must answer. President Raymond must ensure the committee’s words do not ring hollow and take action to ensure the Social Honor Code is revised to permit free speech. The college should also adopt an institutional statement on free expression and implement the cultural investments and pedagogical programming the committee prescribed. If the committee’s recommendations take hold, a frequent Quaker refrain and campus ideal can resonate with renewed promise: “Let your life speak.

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  • The mercenary spyware industry is a menace to global free expression

    The mercenary spyware industry is a menace to global free expression

    Eli Kronenberg is a rising junior and a FIRE summer intern.


    In the last decade, the rise of the mercenary spyware industry has created a potent new weapon for authoritarian regimes bent on silencing dissent. Represented most prominently by the Israeli-based NSO Group and its flagship spyware Pegasus, surveillance malware is often sold to the world’s most repressive governments with little thought given to the nature of its eventual use.

    Regimes like those in Saudi Arabia and Egypt have long track records of suppressing political opposition and independent journalism. When they acquire state-of-the-art surveillance technology, the result is a crackdown on free expression worldwide, carried out using the devices in our very pockets. And because the surveillance is secret and largely undetectable, it impacts anyone with a reason to suspect that the government might not like what they have to say.

    What is mercenary spyware?

    Mercenary spyware is a type of malicious software developed and sold by private companies to governments. Unlike general malware, which spreads widely and somewhat randomly, mercenary spyware is designed to infiltrate specific devices and extract information. 

    The University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab has published numerous reports explaining how spyware like Pegasus is used to hack the personal devices of political opponents in retaliation for criticizing the government. Victims include an Italian journalist critical of the Meloni government, an Egyptian opposition politician with presidential ambitions, dozens of Catalan separatist leaders in Spain, Mexican journalists investigating presidential corruption, and even a Saudi dissident living in exile in Canada.

    “The consequences that we’ve seen in our research are profound,” said Ronald Deibert, the director of the Citizen Lab. “People are afraid to engage over social media, to use the internet, paranoid about their surroundings, about their social relationships. There’s an obvious chilling effect.”

    Here’s how it works: Mercenary spyware companies like NSO Group search technological operating systems for novel security vulnerabilities known as “zero-days,” which can be used to infiltrate products as ubiquitous as Apple iPhones. Then, they develop spyware designed to exploit these zero-days and sell it to governments, ostensibly for law enforcement and intelligence agencies to use for legitimate data-gathering purposes. 

    In practice, governments with long histories of repression often abuse spyware to hack the devices of anti-government activists, journalists, and other members of civil society. And, even for democratic regimes who preach tolerance of dissent, the temptation of spyware capabilities often proves too powerful. 

    All it takes is one click on a phishing message for spyware to be implanted onto a device. From there, governments can read all of the target’s communications, track the device’s location, and secretly turn on the camera and microphone to listen to live conversations — without the victim receiving any indication that their device has been compromised.

    In recent years, spyware has evolved past the point of needing victims to fall for fake links, instead relying on “zero-click” attacks which automatically implant the spyware without requiring the user to do anything. Not even the most meticulous digital hygiene measures can keep those who have drawn the government’s ire safe in this day and age. 

    “I imagine from the perspective of an operative who’s using this type of product, how addictive it must be,” Deibert said. “It’s almost godlike to be able to just drop into somebody’s life, find out everything about them, watch what they’re doing, turn on the microphone, turn on the camera. That is extremely compelling from an intelligence collection point of view, and opens up all sorts of opportunities that otherwise wouldn’t exist for those types of operatives, which explains why the business is so lucrative.”

    While today’s surveillance agents have shiny new tools, their tactics are tried and true. The Nazis famously used IBM punch cards to categorize citizens by ethnicity and other metrics, as well as wiretaps to track Jews, political dissidents, and other “undesirables.” In East Germany, the Stasi used hidden cameras and bugging devices to maintain files on more than one-third of the population. They even stored body odors to identify dissidents using dogs. The Chinese Communist Party uses facial recognition software so advanced they caught a suspect in a crowd of 60,000 people — and that was seven years ago.

    In 2025, it is easier than ever to invade the private lives of those who dare speak up against public officials. The mercenary spyware industry emerged in the early 2010s, coinciding with the rise of social media-enabled revolutions like the Arab Spring. For regimes seeking to quell political opposition but lacking the technological means to effectively control it, mercenary spyware companies provided a saving grace.

    “What this market offers them is the ability to leapfrog ahead in surveillance capacity, in espionage capacity, effectively drawing from some of the world’s most well-trained, sophisticated veterans of intelligence agencies,” Deibert said.

    Reining in the industry

    Fortunately for supporters of free expression, the U.S. has taken concrete steps to crack down on mercenary spyware companies. In 2023, former President Joe Biden issued an executive order directing agencies to cease procuring commercial spyware that poses a threat to human rights or national security. Twenty-two countries signed on to the Biden administration’s “Joint Statement on Efforts to Counter the Proliferation and Misuse of Commercial Spyware,” pledging to implement similar guardrails. 

    The industry’s biggest fish, NSO Group, was added to the Commerce Department’s trade blacklist in 2021, stifling the company’s business prospects on American soil. NSO has also been dealt blows by the courts, most recently being ordered to pay WhatsApp $170 million in damages after its spyware was used to hack over 1,000 accounts on the messaging app.

    “To me, that was all a roadmap of how you go about effectively reining in this wild west that’s causing all sorts of harm,” Deibert said of these efforts.

    The bad news? While some of the world’s biggest spyware developers have been wounded, they won’t give up easily. NSO Group recently hired a new lobbying firm with the mission of reigniting its relationship with Washington lawmakers and reversing the novel regulations, according to an April report by WIRED

    Those efforts have been rebuffed for now. The Trump administration canceled a meeting with NSO officials in May, citing the company being “not forthcoming in its motives for seeking the meeting,” according to an unnamed official in the Washington Post

    Still, spyware companies and their opportunistic governmental clients thrive when operating from the shadows. The U.S. must remain vigilant and further crack down on companies whose spyware is used to spy on civil society, ensuring that political dissidents worldwide can speak without the threat of dictators — or even democratically elected governments — invading their pockets and upending their lives.

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  • National AI training hub for educators to open, funded by OpenAI and Microsoft

    National AI training hub for educators to open, funded by OpenAI and Microsoft

    This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at ckbe.at/newsletters.

    More than 400,000 K-12 educators across the country will get free training in AI through a $23 million partnership between a major teachers union and leading tech companies that is designed to close gaps in the use of technology and provide a national model for AI-integrated curriculum.

    The new National Academy for AI Instruction will be based in the downtown Manhattan headquarters of the United Federation of Teachers, the New York City affiliate of the American Federation of Teachers, and provide workshops, online courses, and hands-on training sessions. This hub-based model of teacher training was inspired by work of unions like the United Brotherhood of Carpenters that have created similar training centers with industry partners, according to AFT President Randi Weingarten.

    “Teachers are facing huge challenges, which include navigating AI wisely, ethically and safely,” Weingarten said at a press conference Tuesday announcing the initiative. “The question was whether we would be chasing it or whether we would be trying to harness it.”

    The initiative involves the AFT, UFT, OpenAI, Microsoft, and Anthropic.

    The Trump administration has encouraged AI integration in the classroom. More than 50 companies have signed onto a White House pledge to provide grants, education materials, and technology to invest in AI education.

    In the wake of federal funding cuts to public education and the impact of Trump’s sweeping tax and policy bill on schools, Weingarten sees this partnership with private tech companies as a crucial investment in teacher preparation.

    “We are actually ensuring that kids have, that teachers have, what they need to deal with the economy of today and tomorrow,” Weingarten said.

    The academy will be based in a city where the school system initially banned the use of AI in the classroom, claiming it would interfere with the development of critical thinking skills. A few months later, then-New York City schools Chancellor David Banks did an about-face, pledging to help schools smartly incorporate the technology. He said New York City schools would embrace the potential of AI to drive individualized learning. But concrete plans have been limited.

    The AFT, meanwhile, has tried to position itself as a leader in the field. Last year, the union released its own guidelines for AI use in the classroom and funded pilot programs around the country.

    Vincent Plato, New York City Public Schools K-8 educator and UFT Teacher Center director, said the advent of AI reminds him of when teachers first started using word processors.

    “We are watching educators transform the way people use technology for work in real time, but with AI it’s on another unbelievable level because it’s just so much more powerful,” he said in a press release announcing the new partnership. “It can be a thought partner when they’re working by themselves, whether that’s late-night lesson planning, looking at student data or filing any types of reports — a tool that’s going to be transformative for teachers and students alike.”

    Teachers who frequently use AI tools report saving 5.9 hours a week, according to a national survey conducted by the Walton Family Foundation in cooperation with Gallup. These tools are most likely to be used to support instructional planning, such as creating worksheets or modifying material to meet students’ needs. Half of the teachers surveyed stated that they believe AI will reduce teacher workloads.

    “Teachers are not only gaining back valuable time, they are also reporting that AI is helping to strengthen the quality of their work,” Stephanie Marken, senior partner for U.S. research at Gallup, said in a press release. “However, a clear gap in AI adoption remains. Schools need to provide the tools, training, and support to make effective AI use possible for every teacher.”

    While nearly half of school districts surveyed by the research corporation RAND have reported training teachers in utilizing AI-powered tools by fall 2024, high-poverty districts are still lagging behind their low poverty counterparts. District leaders across the nation report a scarcity of external experts and resources to provide quality AI training to teachers.

    OpenAI, a founding partner of the National Academy for AI Instruction, will contribute $10 million over the next five years. The tech company will provide educators and course developers with technical support to integrate AI into classrooms as well as software applications to build custom, classroom-specific tools.

    Tech companies would benefit from this partnership by “co-creating” and improving their products based on feedback and insights from educators, said Gerry Petrella, Microsoft general manager, U.S. public policy, who hopes the initiative will align the needs of educators with the work of developers.

    In a sense, the teachers are training AI products just as much as they are being trained, according to Kathleen Day, a lecturer at Johns Hopkins Carey Business School. Day emphasized that through this partnership, AI companies would gain access to constant input from educators so they could continually strengthen their models and products.

    “Who’s training who?” Day said. “They’re basically saying, we’ll show you how this technology works, and you tell us how you would use it. When you tell us how you would use it, that is a wealth of information.”

    Many educators and policymakers are also concerned that introducing AI into the classroom could endanger student data and privacy. Racial bias in grading could also be reinforced by AI programs, according to research by The Learning Agency.

    Additionally, Trevor Griffey, a lecturer in labor studies at the University of California Los Angeles, warned the New York Times that tech firms could use these deals to market AI tools to students and expand their customer base.

    This initiative to expand AI access and training for educators was likened to New Deal efforts in the 1930s to expand equal access to electricity by Chris Lehane, OpenAI’s chief global affairs officer. By working with teachers and expanding AI training, Lehane hopes the initiative will “democratize” access to AI.

    “There’s no better place to do that work than in the classroom,” he said at the Tuesday press conference.

    Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

    For more news on AI training, visit eSN’s Digital Learning hub.

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  • Free speech still reigns, but faces setbacks online

    Free speech still reigns, but faces setbacks online

    This essay was originally published by The Dallas Express on July 21, 2025.


    Don’t want to publish an opinion on your blog you disagree with? Too bad, the government forces you to publish it. Criticize the mayor? Go to jail  — and good luck trying to sue the mayor for violating your First Amendment rights. Want to access online content legal for adults without jeopardizing your privacy and reputation? Think again, your state legislature demands you reveal your identity first.

    That’s not the America I know. Nor is it one a robust First Amendment would ever allow. But those constitutional threats came up before the Supreme Court during its past two terms, thanks to state legislatures and government officials who would prefer to play thought police instead of obey the First Amendment’s commands.

    For the most part, the Supreme Court did as it has for decades: It upheld the First Amendment as a mighty check on government intrusion into our thoughts, on public debate, and in the search for truth. Still, a couple of the Court’s decisions this year broke from that trend, causing First Amendment defenders everywhere to raise their collective eyebrows.

    Americans’ pilgrimage to the online world has placed free speech on the internet at the forefront of the Court’s recent First Amendment decisions. And that includes a case involving our Lone Star State. Last July, in Moody v. Netchoice, the Supreme Court considered Texas and Florida laws that tried to dictate how social media companies decide what political and ideological content to allow, and how to present it.

    Before the Supreme Court sent the cases back to the appeals courts for another look, it made one thing clear: The First Amendment bars the government from telling social media platforms what they can and can’t publish, just as it bars the government from telling newspaper editors what they can or can’t print. As Justice Kagan remarked, “on the spectrum of dangers to free expression, there are few greater than allowing the government to change the speech of private actors in order to achieve its own conception of speech nirvana.”

    In another pair of rulings, the Supreme Court considered two instances of local officials blocking citizens from commenting on the officials’ social media pages about the government’s performance. Although the Court didn’t rule in favor of either party, it confirmed the First Amendment limits officials’ power to block Americans from commenting on social media pages an official uses to conduct government business.

    With these social media decisions, the Court underscored that core First Amendment principles apply just as strongly in the digital age, helping to secure free speech online from government overreach.

    On the other hand, this most recent Supreme Court term found the Court twice deferring to governmental regulations of online expression. First, in TikTok v. Garland, the Court held the federal government’s effective ban on the popular social media app TikTok does not violate the First Amendment, even as half the United States uses the platform to speak and to receive information. The Court largely yielded to the government’s asserted concerns over national security, despite, as many pointed out, Congress’s failure to provide enough evidence showing TikTok poses a national security threat. In fact, the administration’s continued unwillingness to enforce the ban punctuates how suspect Congress’s national security concerns were.

    And in another decision, Free Speech Coalition v. Paxton, the Court upheld Texas’s law requiring adults to verify their age before accessing websites with sexually explicit material that is, while legal for adults, “obscene for minors.” Breaking from decades-old prior precedent that invalidated similar laws, the Court held the First Amendment doesn’t protect adults “accessing material obscene to minors” until they verify their age — even though that material enjoys full First Amendment protection.

    While the Court noted the accepted practice of ID checks for sexually explicit material in the physical world, it all but skirted the unique and serious privacy implications digital ID checks impose, in a time where Americans suffer harm from regular data breaches. Those privacy scares will chill many adults from seeking speech the First Amendment protects for their use.

    For all that, both the TikTok and Free Speech Coalition decisions are narrow ones. So on the whole, they should not undermine the broad protections for internet speech the Supreme Court has confirmed in prior terms. Still, any time the government censors speech on shaky evidence about national security concerns, or tries to burden adult access to protected speech in the name of childproofing the internet, it raises a First Amendment red flag that should concern us all.

    Outside of the digital world, the Supreme Court handed down several decisions over the last two terms vindicating the First Amendment as a vital check on overzealous government officials abusing their power to silence opinions they don’t like. For instance, in NRA v. Vullo, the Supreme Court held officials in New York violated the First Amendment when they coerced financial services and insurers and underwriters to sever ties with the National Rifle Association — all because the state disagreed with the NRA’s constitutionally protected advocacy. That’s hugely important for freedom of speech, affirming that the government can’t strong-arm third-parties into silencing Americans because of the views they express.

    Another decision centered on a San Antonio-area woman was a good step towards ensuring government critics have a robust remedy when officials wrongfully arrest them. In Gonzalez v. Trevino, the Supreme Court clarified that Sylvia Gonzalez, a long-time government critic, could sue the local officials who singled her out for arrest after she called for the city manager’s removal.

    And just this May, the Supreme Court halted the Maine Legislature’s denial of State Representative Laurel Libby’s right to vote just because the legislature’s political majority took offense to the lawmaker’s First Amendment-protected social media post about a transgender athlete participating in a high school event. Not only did the majority’s act infringe Rep. Libby’s First Amendment right to comment on public issues, it also deprived her constituents of the representation our republican form of government guarantees.

    At its core, the Court’s ruling in Libby v. Fecteau underscored a vital constitutional principle: Political majorities cannot censor and exclude others from the democratic process based on the views they express. That’s a first principle worth upholding, no matter where a speaker falls on the ideological spectrum.

    And we should all be glad the Supreme Court upheld that principle here, in a time where protecting the uniquely American freedoms to dissent and voice our opinions without fear of the government’s strong hand is as important as ever.

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