Tag: Honor

  • Did Presidents Honor Campus Protest Deals?

    Did Presidents Honor Campus Protest Deals?

    Last spring, as pro-Palestinian demonstrators set up encampments from coast to coast, a small number of college presidents struck agreements with students to get them to pack up their tents.

    But a year after those protests ended, have the presidents lived up to their promises?

    While the agreements varied widely by campus, the answer appears to mostly be yes, though many initiatives are still in progress.

    Divestment from Israel or companies with ties to the Israeli government or military was the most common demand student protesters made, and while some presidents agreed to hold votes on the issue, they made no promises about how such decisions would go. In the vast majority of cases, universities outright rejected divestment demands; on rare campuses where administrators agreed to divest, the actions were largely contained, focused mostly on defense contractors.

    Beyond divestment votes, colleges also struck agreements on multiple other points, including scholarships for displaced Palestinian students and increased support for Muslim students. Here’s a look at where such promises stand a year after the encampment protests ended.

    Northwestern University

    Few protest deals made more headlines than the one at Northwestern University, where President Michael Schill signed on to the Dearing Meadow agreement, as it came to be known, in late April of last year. Schill agreed to various concessions in exchange for protesters concluding the encampment. Those promises included support for Palestinian students and visiting Palestinian faculty, more space for Muslim student groups, and greater transparency in how the university invests its $14.3 billion endowment.

    In signing the agreement, Schill caught the attention of Congress, which summoned him for a hearing last May alongside the leaders of Rutgers University and the University of California, Los Angeles. Schill defended the agreement, pushing back on GOP scrutiny.

    The Daily Northwestern, the university’s student newspaper, confirmed that Schill has followed through on various initiativess; the university is currently supporting at least one Palestinian scholar and providing temporary space for Muslim students and the Middle Eastern and North African Student Association. (Renovation for a permanent space is ongoing.) The newspaper also confirmed that Northwestern added support for Jewish and Muslim students through the office of Religious and Spiritual Life, which funds weekly Shabbat dinners. But Northwestern officials have been reticent to discuss such efforts, ignoring requests for comment from the student newspaper and Inside Higher Ed.

    (Multiple student activists also did not respond to requests for comment from Inside Higher Ed.)

    Despite promising more transparency on its endowment, Northwestern does not appear to be living up to that part of the deal. According to the agreement, Northwestern “will answer questions from any internal stakeholder about specific holdings, held currently or within the last quarter, to the best of its knowledge and to the extent legally possible.” Officials promised to respond to such inquiries within 30 days or, if unable to do so, to “provide a reason and a realistic timeline.”

    However, The Daily Northwestern reported last month that it sent officials questions about endowment holdings in February and did not receive a response within 30 days. The student newspaper noted that Northwestern did not provide a reason for the delay or a timeline for a response. A student reporter told Inside Higher Ed that the newspaper followed up on March 30 and the university then referred the questions to the Advisory Committee on Investment Responsibility.

    The Daily Northwestern is still awaiting answers.

    Rutgers University

    Rutgers also struck a deal with encampment protesters last spring. As at Northwestern, that agreement landed then-president Jonathan Holloway in front of Congress mere weeks later.

    Rutgers leaders agreed to eight of the students’ 10 demands; while they rejected calls to divest from Israel and terminate a partnership with Tel Aviv University, they agreed to accept 10 displaced Gazan students, establish Arab cultural centers at each Rutgers campus, seek a partnership with Birzeit University in the West Bank, hire faculty members who specialize in Palestinian and Middle East studies, and release a statement calling for a ceasefire, among other concessions.

    Rutgers officials said all of the agreed-upon initiatives are currently in progress.

    Rutgers agreed to eight out of 10 of the protesters’ demands.

    “Work continues to advance a series of actions we believe will strengthen and build upon positive change across our community,” spokesperson Megan Schumann told Inside Higher Ed. “These efforts are grounded in the university’s values of free expression, inclusion, and mutual respect—and in the fundamental right of all members of our community to learn, teach, and carry out the university’s essential work in a safe and supportive environment.

    University of Oregon

    At the University of Oregon, the administration’s agreement with protesters included a statement calling for a ceasefire and condemning genocide, the addition of visiting scholars with expertise in Palestine and Israel, support for academics displaced by the war, new faculty hires with related expertise, new cultural spaces, and more.

    Officials said they have lived up to their end of the agreement, though some initiatives are still underway. They noted that the university has already awarded its first International Crisis Response Scholarship, which was established by the agreement to support students affected by the conflict, and the recipient has begun studies at UO. The university has also funded two speaking events as part of its Special Initiative on Constructively Engaging the Conflict and the Pursuit of Peace in Palestine/Israel. Another five proposals for speaking events have already been approved, according to officials. Past and upcoming events have focused on topics such as Palestine and the future of U.S. campus activism and Palestinian identity.

    Other efforts, such as faculty recruiting, are ongoing, with several academic units submitting hiring-plan proposals that are undergoing a standard review process. Plans to forge partnerships with Birzeit University in the West Bank and several universities in Israel are also underway.

    Evergreen State College

    The public institution in Washington agreed to various concessions in a deal with protesters. Officials launched four committees to work on different issues, including “divestment from companies that profit from gross human rights violations and/or the occupation of Palestinian territories,” according to language in the signed protest agreement. Another task force will develop policies to determine whether the college should accept or reject grants that “facilitate illegal occupations abroad, limit free speech, or support oppression of minorities.” The other two task forces are slated to review policing at Evergreen State and to develop a new “non–law enforcement” model for crisis responses.

    President John Carmichael also kept his promise to protesters by making a statement on the bloodshed in Gaza last May, in which he called for a ceasefire, the release of hostages and the restoration of international law, which he wrote “requires that the International Court of Justice fairly adjudicate charges of genocide.” He also urged the university community to be “on guard against Islamophobia and antisemitism as we engage with each other in this moment.”

    Those efforts are ongoing; the agreement provided a timeline for the task forces to complete their work, with deadlines to adopt their recommendations ranging from spring 2026 to 2030.

    California State University, Sacramento

    When Sacramento State struck an agreement with pro-Palestinian protesters last May, students framed the move as divestment in a social media post. But a more accurate reading would be that the university determined it did not have direct investments in companies profiting off the war effort and declared that it would not pursue such holdings. The university also established a “de minimis policy for indirect investments that prioritizes socially responsible investments,” a spokesperson wrote to Inside Higher Ed.

    Sacramento State president Luke Wood said at the time, “The finance committee of our University Foundation has been so committed to socially responsible investments that we have no direct investments in any of the companies about which many of our students have concerns.” He also announced a policy to formalize socially responsible investment practices, in order to “avoid funding students’ education based on companies that profit from war and desolation,” the spokesperson said.

    University leaders announced multiple other actions at the same time, which Wood said grew out of listening sessions with over 1,500 students, faculty, staff and alumni that began when he arrived the previous year. Those changes include introducing more halal and kosher food options on campus, new cultural centers and training on Islamophobia and antisemitism, as well as university task forces to address both Islamophobia and antisemitism. Other efforts include the development of recruitment plans to attract Palestinian and Jewish students to the university.

    (This section has been updated to incorporate the university’s response.)

    Sonoma State University

    Sonoma State University may offer the most visible case of promises made and broken.

    Last spring, then-president Mike Lee agreed to demands from protesters that included reviewing contracts to consider divestment opportunities, introducing a Palestinian studies curriculum and adding Students for Justice in Palestine members to a Sonoma State advisory council. Most controversially, he agreed to what was effectively an academic boycott, promising not to “pursue or engage in any study abroad programs, faculty exchanges, or other formal collaborations that are sponsored by, or represent, the Israeli state academic and research institutions.”

    However, the agreement was not approved by his bosses in the California State University system, prompting officials to walk the deal back and Lee to retire suddenly. A new deal put forward by an acting president who replaced Lee scrapped much of the prior agreement.

    A campus spokesperson noted that despite the changes to the initial agreement, SSU Foundation officials met with students to discuss investment holdings and launched other actions, including a three-part lecture series providing “differing viewpoints on the situation in Gaza and differing religious perspectives,” as well as new groups to support Jewish life.

    A photo of pro-Palestinian protesters at Brown University.

    Protesters at Brown University demand divestment, April 29, 2024.

    Joseph Prezioso/AFP/Getty Images

    Divestment Demands

    Multiple universities agreed to hold votes on some form of divestment in response to protesters, including Brown University, the University of Minnesota, the New School and others.

    Governing boards, however, have largely rejected divestment except in a few cases.

    The University of San Francisco announced several weeks ago that it would divest from four U.S. companies with ties to the Israeli military: Palantir, L3Harris, GE Aerospace and RTX Corporation. The university plans to sell off direct investments in those companies by June 1.

    Nearby San Francisco State University has also adopted a form of divestment; in December, the public university’s governing board voted to add new investment screening policies. Now SFSU will no longer invest in companies that make 5 percent or more of their revenues from weapons manufacturing. SFSU also adopted more transparency around endowment holdings.



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  • A way to honor the teach-in movement at 60 (opinion)

    A way to honor the teach-in movement at 60 (opinion)

    This month marks the 60th anniversary of the teach-in movement against the U.S. war in Vietnam. The first teach-in was held at the University of Michigan, March 24–25, 1965; by the end of the spring semester, teach-ins had spread to college and university campuses across the nation, educating tens of thousands of students, faculty and community members about the moral, political and strategic reasons why the escalating Vietnam War was doomed to failure.

    The teach-ins were sparked by the Johnson administration’s launch of the Rolling Thunder bombing campaign against North Vietnam in late February 1965. But it is less its antiwar ideas than its strategic and tactical brilliance that makes the teach-in movement so relevant today, offering a valuable model for resisting the threat that the Trump administration’s authoritarianism and hatred of the liberal university poses to academic freedom and free speech on campus, the university’s funding of scientific research, the college and university’s role in battling racial and sexual discrimination, and higher education’s cosmopolitanism and international character.

    Though we tend to think of the campus antiwar movement as led by radical students who used militant tactics, breaking university regulations and the law in their protests, the teach-in movement was initiated by faculty, not students, and it did not break any such regulations or the law. Its only tools were education—offered by knowledgeable speakers—and effective publicity and outreach. In fact, the very idea of a teach-in was the result of a tactical retreat.

    Initially, Michigan’s Faculty Committee to Stop the War in Vietnam had envisioned a work moratorium, a day when faculty did not teach their regular academic classes so that the whole university could focus on the Vietnam War. But this moratorium idea proved immensely controversial, drawing all kinds of denunciations, especially from the state’s war-hawk politicians, who labeled it an anarchist hijacking of the university that denied students access to their classes. Seeing that this controversy was distracting people from the war itself, the faculty shrewdly changed course. Instead of a work moratorium, they came up with the idea of an antiwar teach-in that would begin after classes ended and go on through the night (from 8 p.m. to 8 a.m.).

    Some on the left saw this tactical shift as unfortunate, even cowardly, and feared that few students would attend such an evening event. But they were wrong. This first teach-in drew some 3,000 students, faculty and community members. It was, in the words of one its speakers, Carl Oglesby, “like a transfigured night. It was amazing: classroom after classroom bulging with people hanging on every word of those who had something to say about Vietnam.” Michigan’s antiwar faculty then helped raise funds for more teach-ins in May, which connected with faculty and student activists on more than 100 campuses, with the movement reaching its peak at a University of California, Berkeley, weekend teach-in that drew some 30,000 participants. All this provided a major boost to the peace movement and helped make the campuses a center of antiwar activism.

    In our own era, college and university administrations have tightened campus regulations to restrict mass protest and have been quick to have even nonviolent anti-Gaza war student protesters arrested for the most minor campus rule violations. In fact, last spring there were more than 3,000 arrests nationally, for campus antiwar encampments that were quite tame compared to the disruptive student protests that erupted in the Vietnam era’s most turbulent years.

    The decline of free speech on campus since the 1960s is also evident when one reflects back on the famous case of Marxist historian Eugene Genovese. At a Rutgers University teach-in, Genovese, in 1965, provoked a huge right-wing backlash by saying that he did “not fear or regret the impending Vietcong victory in Vietnam. I welcome it.” Despite calls for Genovese’s firing from many supporters of the war, including then-former Vice President Richard Nixon, Rutgers’ administration, while disdaining Genovese’s pro-Vietcong views, defended his right to free speech and refused to fire him—though two years later Genovese, tired of the death threats and political pressure, opted to leave Rutgers. One hears no such campus administration defense of free speech today as Trump, who pardoned his J6 rioters, pursues arrests and deportations of anti-war student protestors, including the arrest and detention of recent Columbia University graduate and Green Card holder Mahmoud Khalil.

    All this repression has struck fear into the hearts of student activists. So, while direct action and civil disobedience have their place in campus protest, they are, understandably, not in vogue at this authoritarian moment. This is a time when important news outlets, such as The Washington Post and The Los Angeles Times, the business community, the U.S. Senate minority leader, and campus administrators cower in fear of the Trump administration. This seems like a good time for faculty to act boldly yet strategically, taking the lead, showing that their campuses can, without rule-breaking or civil disobedience, become major centers of education about Trump’s authoritarianism, his embarrassingly illiberal and predatory foreign policy, and his crude attacks on education, the courts, the press, the First Amendment and federal agencies. Faculty should use their skills as teachers and scholars, as their predecessors did in 1965, but this time help teach America about the threat Trumpism poses to democracy and education, in a new national wave of teach-ins that would honor our past and offer hope for the future.

    Robert Cohen is a professor of history and social studies at New York University. His research focuses on student protest, free speech and the Black Freedom Movement in 1960s America. His most recent book is Confronting Jim Crow: Race, Memory and the University of Georgia in the 20th Century (University of North Carolina Press, 2024).

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  • From Small-Town Roots to National Honor: SC Native Receives State’s Highest Award

    From Small-Town Roots to National Honor: SC Native Receives State’s Highest Award

    From the small town of Lyman, South Carolina, Dr. James L. Moore’s journey to success is one he attributes to the steadfast support of his mother and the historical Dr. James L. Moore IIItrailblazers whose influence shaped his path to distinction.

    On Saturday, Jan. 25, Moore—a Distinguished Professor of Urban Education at The Ohio State University (OSU) and executive director of the Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center—was awarded the Order of the Palmetto—South Carolina’s highest civilian honor established in 1971. The prestigious award is presented by the governor to individuals who have demonstrated extraordinary lifetime achievement, service, and contributions of national or statewide significance.

    “To be honored and to receive the highest honor to a civilian of South Carolina is so humbling,” said Moore in an interview with Diverse. “Service to humanity is the hallmark of philosophy, and in many ways, it shaped who I am and what I’m about in my day to day. All that I am and that I hope to be, has been shaped by my experience growing up in South Carolina.”

    Moore follows in the footsteps of other legendary leaders from South Carolina who’ve received the honor, many of whom broke down barriers throughout history, paving the way for him and others to succeed. Moore said that it’s not lost on him that he’s in the tradition of a long line of South Carolina humanitarians.

    “The state has a complex history, some of which is painful to reflect on, but it is where my family, some of whom arrived as enslaved Africans, created community from the most difficult of circumstances,” he said. “They built opportunities for people like me. South Carolina is special to me, not only for its rich and sometimes painful history, but because 10% to 15% of all Black Americans can trace their roots here.” 

    The state, he said, has produced a legacy of excellence, from singer James Brown and tennis great Althea Gibson to educator Mary McLeod Bethune. 

    “I just want to make sure that I forever acknowledge and recognize the contributions and the giants that I stand on their shoulders,” said Moore, who pointed to the late Dr. Benjamin Elijah Mays—the former president of Morehouse College—as a model for educational and humanitarian excellence.

    A nationally recognized education expert and leader, Moore has had a distinguished career in higher education and has been applauded for his work promoting educational excellence and access for all. Throughout his fabulous career, he has won numerous international and national accolades. 

    His research spans multiple disciplines, including school counseling, urban education, and STEM education. He has co-authored seven books and more than 160 publications, secured nearly $40 million in funding, and delivered more than 200 scholarly presentations globally. Moore’s contributions to education have earned him recognition, including being named one of Education Week’s 200 most influential scholars in the U.S. since 2018.

    Dr. Jerlando F.L. Jackson, Dean of the College of Education and Foundation Professor of Education at Michigan State University, praised Moore’s impact, citing the ripple effect his leadership has created within the American education system.

    “Dr. Moore’s influence extends far beyond his own accomplishments,” said Jackson, who has known Moore since their days as graduate students and have collaborated with him on a number of initiatives and projects, including the International Colloquium on Black Males in Education. “Through his leadership, he is empowering educators, policymakers, and community leaders to reimagine what is possible with South Carolina in mind,” Jackson said.  

    Moore’s focus on education access, preparation, innovation, and opportunities “has not only improved outcomes for today’s students but has also laid the foundation for a brighter future for generations to come,” Jackson added. “He is the kind of leader who sees potential in everyone, and he works tirelessly to help others realize their dreams, regardless of their backgrounds. Whether mentoring a young scholar or speaking at a community event, Dr. Moore connects with people in ways that are deeply inspiring and transformative.”

    Moore’s work has focused on closing opportunity gaps, increasing access to quality education, and addressing disparities that disproportionately affect educational vulnerable student populations. Through his research and leadership, Jackson said that Moore has not only informed policy, but also directly influenced educational practices that all have benefited from, including South Carolina.

    Dr. Eric Tucker, President & CEO of The Study Group, agrees.

    “His tireless dedication to inclusive excellence proves that one visionary can unite and uplift entire communities, sparking transformative educational change at the secondary and postsecondary levels,” said Tucker, who lauded Moore’s efforts to help undergraduate scholars secure prestigious fellowships, including the Rhodes and Truman Scholarships. As executive director of the Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male, he reimagined OSU’s Early Arrival Program, offering mentorship and leadership opportunities to support young Black men and boys in their pursuit of higher education.

    “From a small-town upbringing to a national and international stage, Dr. Moore has used his expertise to bring fresh opportunities and shape educational transformation across the United States and other parts of the globe,” said Tucker. “His leadership and forward-thinking approaches demonstrate how determination can unite communities and open new doors for students in all zip codes, regions, and jurisdictions,” he added.

    And no matter how many times you ask Moore about his own influences and success, he never forgets his family and the village who raised him. As one of three siblings, he remembers his late mother Edna, whose sacrifices and love shaped her children’s lives in South Carolina.

    “My mother did everything for her three kids, and my mother was an inspiration to not only me, but for those who knew her,” Moore said. “And even though she’s not here with me, she lives inside me, and she always told me that ‘family lives inside of you, and everywhere you go, son, take family with you,’ So I can hear her. She was the best coach I ever had. This is for her,” he said.

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