Tag: knowledge

  • Employers will increasingly focus on graduates’ skills over technical knowledge

    Employers will increasingly focus on graduates’ skills over technical knowledge

    There are few safe bets about the future, so the impact of technology on labour markets, how transitions through education and into work will change, and the need to reskills and upskill, can only be predicted.

    But we do know that technology – AI in particular – is a disruptive force. We know that declining birth rates and higher employer skills needs have the potential to create a difficult labour market that hinders growth. We also know it’s likely that people who don’t adapt to changes in work could see their careers suffer.

    In response to these shifts, graduate and apprentice employers are considering fresh approaches to their talent strategies. Strategies that will focus less on a person’s age, education and technical experience, and more on their skills, capabilities and aptitudes.

    The Institute of Student Employers (ISE) recent report, From early career to emerging talent, shows that 68 per cent of early career employers have already adopted or partially adopted a skills-based strategy to hiring – and another 29 per cent are considering it.

    A constricted labour market

    Quite rightly, we are all concerned about the tough jobs market facing students, the high volumes of applications they make, and the time it takes many to get a graduate job. Because of the UK’s anaemic growth, the current labour market is tight (ISE predicts graduate vacancies will only grow by one per cent this year). But once growth returns to the economy, it’s likely employers will see significant talent shortages.

    We can see latent labour market problems in the current Labour Market Information (LMI) data. The UK’s unemployment rate at 4.4 per cent is historically low. Only 16.4m people in England and Wales are educated to level 4 or over – yet there are 18.6m jobs currently at that level, rising to 22.7m over the next 10 years. Over the next decade the working age population will increase only by 1.14m people (the over-70s, on the other hand, will increase by 2.1m).

    Mention 2022 and while most remember the heatwave, recruiters remember the post-pandemic growth spurt which left many vacancies unfilled. A CIPD labour market survey from summer of that year reported that 47 per cent of employers had hard-to-fill vacancies and the top response to difficulties reported by employers was to upskill existing staff.

    A problematic word

    What is a skill, an attribute or a capability? What can be taught, learned and developed, and what individual traits are innate? Some skills are technical, some more behavioural. And we’ll all have our own views on the abilities of ourselves and others. So, the word skills is problematic, which makes agreement on what approach we take to skills problematic.

    In their recent Wonkhe articles, Chris Millward and Konstantinos Kollydas and James Coe are right to highlight the challenge of differentiating between knowledge, technical behavioural and cognitive skills. To varying degrees, employers need both. I’d add another challenge, particularly in the UK: the link between what you study and what you do is less pronounced. Over 80 per cent of graduate recruiters do not stipulate a degree discipline. This makes connecting skills development to the labour market problematic.

    Another problem with the use of the word skills is the danger that we take a reductive, overly simplistic view of skills. A student who does a group activity successfully may think they’ve nailed teamworking skills. In reality, working with people involves a multitude of skills that many of us spend our working lives trying to master.

    Employers are already increasing their focus on skills

    In their report The skill-based organisation: a new operating model for work and the workforce, Deloitte describe how organisations are developing “a whole new operating model for work and the workforce that places skills, more than jobs, at the centre.”

    As recruitment for specific expertise becomes more challenging, people are matched to roles based on skills and potential, less on experience in a role. Skills-based hiring strategies encompass career changers, older workers, people who have near-to work experience. Technology maps an organisation’s skills base to create an internal marketplace for roles and employees are encouraged to re-skill and upskill in order to move about the organisation as jobs change.

    Graduates will need the skills and associated mindset to navigate this future world of work. World Economic Forum 2025 Future of Jobs analysis shows that 69 per cent of UK organisations placed resilience, flexibility and agility in the top five skills that will increase in importance by 2030.

    Graduate recruitment strategies could evolve to make less use of education exit points to define the talent pool hired from: career-changers, older-workers, and internal switchers are incorporated into development programmes. More learning content becomes focused on developing behavioural and cognitive skills to promote a more agile cohort.

    Students do develop skills

    Within HE, practitioners have already established a considerable body of knowledge, research and practice on employability skills. Where change is occurring, is in the campus-wide approach to skills that many institutions have developed (or are in the process of developing). Approaches that aim to ensure all students have the opportunity to develop a core set of skills that will enable them to transition through education and into work. Bristol and Kingston, among others, have shown how skills can be embedded right across the curriculum.

    I’m a big fan of Bobby Duffy’s work on delayed adulthood which suggests to me that the average student or graduate in their late teens and early twenties is at quite a different stage of development to previous generations. Which means that it’s wrong-headed to think of deficits in students’ work readiness as the fault of students (or their coddling parents).

    Employers and educators together have a role to play in helping students understand their own skills and how to develop them. Skills require scaffolding. Surfacing skills in the curriculum ensures students understand how their academic work develops core skills.

    And the provision and promotion of extra-curricular activities, including work experience, can be built into the student journey. Programmes where students develop their ability to deal with change and challenging situations, to analyse and solve complex problems, to adopt a positive approach to life-long learning.

    The skills agenda opportunity

    At the ISE we leave the language of skills gaps and employers’ apparent low opinion of graduates to the tabloids. Only 17 per cent of employers in our annual survey say they disagree that graduates are not work-ready. We do ask a more subtle question on the attitudes and behaviours that employers expect early career hires to possess when they start work. The top skills employers thought students weren’t as proficient in as they expected were self-awareness, resilience and personal career management.

    I am not, never have been, and never will be, a policy wonk. Maybe someone who is can design the architecture of incentives and systems that better connect education pathways to labour market needs. This architecture will also have to be able to predict labour market needs four to five years in advance, because that’s the lag between a typical students’ course choice and their job application. But if that can’t be done, surely a good investment is ensuring that students have plenty of opportunities to develop their skills and attributes to deal with an ever more changing workplace.

    Fully embracing a skills approach is a great opportunity to demonstrate how HE adds value to the UK economy through the triangulation of student interests, employer needs and a great education experience.

    Read the ISE’s report, From early talent to emerging talent, for a detailed analysis of the forces impacting how employers will hire and develop students in the future.

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  • With the power of knowledge – for the world

    With the power of knowledge – for the world

    I went along to AHUA conference on Tuesday, and saw a fascinating presentation from Esa Hämäläinen, who’s the Dir­ector of Ad­min­is­tra­tion at the University of Helsinki.

    The university has easily one of my favourite origin stories – it was established by a 13-year-old girl who the world came to know as Queen Christina of Sweden.

    It also has a cracking set of values, some of which appear now to be the sort of thing that’s banned by the Office for Students in England.

    In 2015, under Prime Minister Juha Sipilä’s administration, the government announced a €500 million cut to higher education budgets in Finland.

    That followed a previous €200 million reduction and included freezing the university index, which had adjusted funding based on inflation.

    As a result, universities like the University of Helsinki had to lay off hundreds of staff – about 400 in the case of Helsinki.

    There’s a lot of different ways of calculating staff-student ratios that often make comparisons problematic – but one of the things I was pondering on the train was how they are doing what they’re doing on an academic SSR of 22.2:1 – significantly higher than in the past, and significantly higher than the UK.

    For the avoidance of doubt, I’m not searching for a blueprint on how to shed academic staff. But if cuts are going to rain down anyway, understanding how other systems work beyond “Oh look they have ECTS too” I think (hope) can help.

    I say this partly because a lot of people I talk to are experiencing or implementing plain and simple “reduce the number of optional modules” strategies based on the efficiency of more/large/core – which most research suggests students don’t like, and I suspect is a probable cause of during and post-degree regret.

    What’s fascinating is that rather than just accept the inevitability of a thinner student academic experience as a result of those cuts, the university evolved its Bildung philosophy to make a whole range of scaffolding changes to cope on fewer staff. And I’ve spent a long train journey trying to work out how.

    They call a Twix a Raider

    First some Twix/Raider basics. There’s 180 ECTS for a Bachelor’s degree, designed to be taken over 3 years. No difference to the UK there (unless we count Scotland) other than students can take longer to obtain those 180, supported via the maintenance system to do so – although universities across Europe are variously under government pressure/incentives to speed that up a bit.

    It’s also worth noting that for various reasons, the average entry age for bachelor’s degree programmes in Finland is 24, compared to an OECD average of 22. We have (along with Belgium) the youngest freshers and the fastest completion times in the OECD. That we then beat Belgium on completion rates often causes me to reflect on whether that’s a sign of success or a signal of conveyor-belt trapping, a cause of mental health problems and a driver of lower of academic standards – but I digress.

    What we’d typically call “modules” in the UK are referred to as “courses” in Finland. As for what we’d call a “programme” or “subject pathway”, it varies – but at Helsinki, undergraduate students complete two core “modules”, each comprising a collection of courses, one for “Basic” studies (what we’d think of as a UG first year), and one for “Intermediate” studies (what we’d think of as a second and third year).

    These two modules are each awarded a single grade on a 1–5 scale, and it’s these two grades that appear on the student’s degree transcript.

    So, instead of the UK-style baffling algorithm of final grades weighted in different ways across multiple modules, students in Finland receive just two key grades on their transcript – simple, succinct, and arguably more transparent, along with the pathways taken within them. Additionally, students can receive a separate distinction mark for their dissertation. A nice touch.

    The University of Helsinki is Finland’s flagship institution – huge in size, high in status, and widely seen as the country’s de facto elite public university. And yet, intriguingly, there are only 32 undergraduate degree programmes on offer across its 11 faculties. Within each of these programmes, students have considerable freedom to create their own study path, but the structure is strikingly straightforward – 11 faculties, 32 programmes, no sub-departments, and no sprawling web of hundreds of “course” leaders.

    That also means 32 academic communities, with 32 academic societies that students join to get support from eachother and engage in things – a nice size that avoids having to find 1500 course reps or trying to sustain a meaningful single student community from 40,000 students – all supported by 32 sets of student tutors, of course.

    The mother of all science

    Let’s take Philosophy as an example. To complete the degree, students have to earn 90 ECTS credits in Philosophy-specific study, 75 elective credits, and 15 from general studies. That structure encourages both specialisation and breadth.

    Oh, and a quick technical note – the standard assumption in Finland is that 1 ECTS credit represents 27 hours of student effort. In the UK, by contrast, it’s 20. The reasons are dull and bureaucratic (that didn’t stop me working out why) but worth bearing in mind when comparing intensity.

    First it’s worth digging into the 90 credits earned in Philosophy. These are split into two main “modules” – Basic Studies (30 credits) and Intermediate Studies (60 credits). As I said earlier, the former corresponds to first-year study, and the latter covers second and third year.

    The 15 credits of general studies are interesting. 2 credits are awarded for a reflective planning exercise where students work with an academic to design their personalised study plan – a kind of “choose your own adventure” approach that signals a departure from spoon-feeding from day one. That’s assessed on a pass/fail basis.

    There are also three credits for digital skills training, delivered via self-study – two credits within the Basic Studies and one within Intermediate. Again, this is assessed pass/fail and serves both to build capability and to ensure students are confident in using the university’s largely self-service systems.

    Then there are 10 credits dedicated to communication and language skills. These span both written and oral communication, include components in both Finnish and Swedish, and feature academic writing training – often completed in groups. All of this is, again, pass/fail.

    What I find interesting about these is a recognition that designing a bespoke study programme (that can change over time), along with IT and communication skills, are really about becoming a student – here they are recognised as taking actual time.

    In the Basic Studies module, students take six standard “intro to…” courses worth 5 credits each. These are relatively straightforward in design, delivery, and assessment. Each course is normally assessed via a single exam, although in most cases students can opt to complete coursework instead.

    In each degree programme, 60 subject-based credits – what we’d call second and third year content – then form the Intermediate “module”. Of these, five are allocated to the thesis (dissertation), while the remainder is typically made up of 5-credit courses, offering students considerable choice and customisation.

    To move into intermediate, there’s a 0 credit “maturity” assessment so students aren’t moving there until they’re ready. Then of the 60 Intermediate credits, 30 are structured as follows. 5 credits are awarded for a proseminar, which functions like a structured, small-group academic workshop:

    At the beginning of the course, students are given a review of the basics of academic writing and how to critically review and oppose an academic work. How to formulate a research question is discussed and advice is given on how to obtain source material. The student is then expected to formulate a research question in the form of a short abstract which is then reviewed and discussed by the teacher and other students. Then a period of research and essay writing takes place where the opportunity for supervision is given. At the end of the course, the student must present an essay for review by an opponent and oppose another student’s essay.

    5 credits are for a Candidate intuition seminar, and that looks like this:

    At the beginning of the course, students receive a refresher course in the basics of academic writing and how to critically review and oppose an academic paper. At the beginning of the course, there is also a discussion on how to formulate a research question and participants are given advice on how to obtain source material. The student is then expected to formulate a research question in the form of a short abstract which is then reviewed and discussed by the teacher and other students. This is followed by a period of research and essay writing where opportunities for supervision are provided. At the end of the course, the student must present an essay for review by an opponent and act as an opponent in the processing of another student essay.

    Then as well as the dissertation (thesis) itself there’s 5 credits for a compulsory internship (pass/fail) and 5 credits for preparing to apply what you did on your degree to the world, and that looks like this (also pass/fail):

    This gives the student the opportunity to independently explore the individual, growing competence that the degree provides and the importance of competence in a changing society and working life. The aim is for the student to become familiar with and reflect on the ways in which the unique competence provided by studies in philosophy, in collaboration also with studies in other subjects, which the student has chosen, can be relevant to our lives, to working life, society and the world.

    It can be completed in various different ways, in consultation with the responsible teacher – collaboration, independent studies and observation and reflection tasks related to other modules. An e-portfolio or course diary can also be included.

    And then finally there’s a 5 credit compulsory, and in Philosophy that’s a classic module on History of Philosophy.

    For the other 30 credits of Intermediate there’s then a collection of “classic” academic modules again, often in pathway clusters.

    So via the 60 “subject” ECTS points and the 15 “general studies” ECTS points, that’s 105 ECTS accounted for. And here’s the thing. The 75 left are acquired by picking the sort of stuff I’ve talked about above, but they must be from other degree programmes!

    That means that a Philosophy student that wants to do the basics in statistics or whatever can access what might be regarded as another course’s core modules. That obviously means a large amount of interdisciplinary stuff happening, with quite a lot of interesting student mixing happening too. It also means that the “courses” are highly efficient.

    Oh, and also if you do Erasmus, or learn skills at work, or as a volunteer, or whatever…

    You can receive credit for studies you have completed at higher education institutions either in Finland (universities, the National Defence University, and universities of applied sciences) or abroad. The studies must have been successfully completed.

    You can also get credit for skills you have acquired in working life, positions of trust or hobbies, for example. In this case, we are talking about skills acquired in a way other than formal education.

    A time for reflection

    At this point down the rabbit hole I see small, simple-to-design and simple-to-assess academic modules (without having to cram in 100 agendas), plenty of pass/fail credit (less grading means less pressure for everyone), and lots of focus on choice and independent study. And an actual recognition that skills development matters without it always having to be crammed into optional activity students don’t have time for, or academic modules.

    Just a note on grading. One of the things happening here is that grading itself is less complex (5 is Excellent, 4 is Very good, 3 is Good, 2 is Satisfactory, 1 is Passable and 0 is Fail), there’s less of it to do in general, and the ability to re-take assessments in a funding system that allows for setbacks reduces the need for extenuating circumstances and extensions and so on – so the stakes are less high, less often.

    So broadly what I take from it all is:

    1. The hidden curriculum is less hidden
    2. Academic staff have a simpler life
    3. The credit system overall creates rounded graduates
    4. The design reduces unnecessary pressure on students
    5. Some of the credit prepares students for graded credit instead of it all being graded
    6. There are lots of personalisation options
    7. There’s a much more meaningful degree transcript
    8. There’s more assessment choice
    9. There’s less pressure to get students through at top speed
    10. There’s less high-stakes assessment in general
    11. There are “millions” of potential (what we would call) “programmes” without the coordination overhead, walled gardens and spoonfeeding of (what we would call) programmes
    12. There’s less traditional academic “teaching” going on here, but what there is is more efficient and more straightfoward

    Crucially, lots of the modules I’ve seen are from research-active academics – whose research area probably wouldn’t sustain a whole “programme” in our systems – but whose little chunk of credit sits neatly and sustainably in this system.

    So what could my little GWR trip down that a Finnish rabbit hole all mean?

    First of all, if I was the higher education minister (haha) I’d require there to be no more than the number and titles of QAA’s subjects in its benchmark statements as the degrees on offer as a condition of access to the loan book.

    On the emerging unit of resource, it’s going to end up impossible to innovate if not – getting new programmes approved will always be based on what marketeers think will “sell” – and doing simplifying in this way would force more “choose your own adventure” without the overhead of running and marketing a “programme”. I also take the view that saying to a student on an Open Day that there will be quite a bit of elective choice – when everyone internally knows that a lot of the choice will have gone by the time the VR round is done and that student is in their third year – is pretty immoral (and almost certainly unlawful).

    In addition, I also suspect the “choose your own adventure within some parameters” approach would reduce some of the regret we see in the UK. Even if students enrol with a strong disciplinary orientation (partly because of the ridiculous specialisation we force onto students at Level 1-3), a topline reading of the Bristol “regret” research is that either during or after the degree, students clock how unhelpful the UK’s obsession with narrowing is. (There’s no equivalent “regret” question in the Finnish NSS, but lots of interesting stuff that suggests less regret nonetheless.)

    You’ll have seen that much of the credit is about what we might generically call study skills – via our Belong project, we have unpublished national polling evidence (that will be on the site soon) that suggests that in general, students often regard what is on offer in the UK as too generic, and when it’s optional and non-credit bearing, other demands on their time tend to win out. This appears to be a system that has solved some of that.

    The rattle through above, by the way, was me diving into a Philosophy degree – but even in subjects where we might usually expect to see a more programmatic approach via more compulsory modules, structures and weighting aren’t hugely dissimilar – here’s the generic Bachelor’s in Science, for example.

    Plenty of the “choice” on offer is about both a dissertation and extra credit in the run-up to said dissertation – where there isn’t teaching on the thing the student wants to study per se but students can access academics who might be research-active in that. And some of the other choice options are doubtless constrained by timetable – but that’s eased somewhat by some of the credit being acquired “centrally”, some in self-directed mode, and a maintenance system that allows the average duration to be over 3.5 years. Clash? Take it next semester.

    Ultimately what I’m struck by, though, is the simplicity of the whole thing – which is not obvious on first look. I’m not saying that it’s simple to design the study plan or to even visualise the whole degree (either by diving into the website or reading this account), but I am saying that a lot of the tasks carried out by students or academics are simpler – where the focus is on academic learning and development (with quite sophisticated pedagogical research, innovation and support) rather than endless assessment, complex degree algorithms and multiple agendas.

    To the extent to which you can see a graduate attributes framework here, it’s delivered via multiple types of credit acquisition, rather than every attribute being loaded into every fat module.

    What is, though, absolutely undeniable is that a Chemistry graduate in this system has done less… Chemistry. Maybe the Royal Society of Chemistry (and all of the other PSRBs) would have things to say about that. But they’re nonetheless demonstrably rounded graduates (without a lot of the rounding depending on inaccessible extracurriculars) – and in a mass system, how many Bachelors graduates all need as much Chemistry individually anyway?

    Put another way, if a dwindling number of students want to study just Chemistry, and this system sustains a large number of Chemistry modules that are available both to those who do and those and don’t, isn’t that better for society overall?

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  • Policy change can help manage the demand for graduate knowledge and skills

    Policy change can help manage the demand for graduate knowledge and skills

    “Our universities have a paramount place in an economy driven by knowledge and ideas.”

    These are the opening words of the 2016 white paper Success as a Knowledge Economy, which created the funding and regulatory architecture governing English higher education today. The arrangements are founded on a broad faith in the economic benefits of generating and communicating knowledge.

    This vision assumes that an increasing supply of university graduates and research, coupled with open markets that reward enterprise, leads to endogenous economic growth. That can happen anywhere because ideas are boundless and non-rivalrous, but particularly in England because our universities are among the best in the knowledge business.

    English higher education has grown by integrating the development of specific skills for the workplace alongside universally applicable knowledge. This is clear from the progress of most English universities from institutes established for professional and technical training towards university status, the absorption of training for an increasing range of professions within higher education, and the way in which universities can now articulate the workplace capabilities of all graduates, regardless of their discipline.

    Notwithstanding this, the reforms proposed in 2016 emphasised knowledge more than skills. By that time, most of the cost of teaching in English universities had been transferred to student tuition fees backed by income-contingent loans. So, the reforms mostly focused on providing confidence for the investments made by students and the risks carried by the exchequer. This would be delivered through regulation focused on issues important to students and the government, whilst positioning students as the pivotal influence on provision through competition for their choices.

    Universities would compete to increase and improve the supply of graduates. This would then enhance the capacity of businesses and public services to capitalise on innovation and new technologies, which would yield improved productivity and jobs requiring graduates. That is a crude characterisation, but it provides a starting point for understanding the new imperatives for higher education policy, which are influenced by challenges to this vision of nearly a decade ago.

    From market theory to experience in practice

    Despite an expansion of university graduates, the UK has had slow productivity growth since the recession of 2008–09. Rather than the economy growing alongside and absorbing a more highly educated workforce, there are declining returns for some courses compared with other options and concerns that AI technologies will replace roles previously reliant on graduates. Employers report sustained gaps and mismatches between the attributes they need and those embodied in the domestic workforce. Alongside this, ministers appear to be more concerned about people that do not go to university, who are shaping politics in the USA and Europe as well as the UK.

    These are common challenges for countries experiencing increasing higher education participation. The shift from elite to mass higher education is often associated with a “breakdown of consensus” and “permanent state of tension” because established assumptions are challenged by the scale and range of people encountering universities. This is particularly the case when governments place reliance on market forces, which leads to misalignment between the private choices made by individuals and the public expectations for which ministers are held to account. Universities are expected to embody historically elite modes of higher education reflected in media narratives and rankings, whilst also catering for the more diverse circumstances and practical skills needed by a broader population.

    In England, the government has told universities that it wants them to improve access, quality and efficiency, whilst also becoming more closely aligned with the needs of the economy and civil society in their local areas. These priorities may be associated with tensions that have arisen due to the drivers of university behaviour in a mass market.

    In a system driven by demand from young people, there has been improved but unequal access reflecting attainment gaps in schools. This might not be such a problem if increasing participation had been accompanied by a growing economy that improves opportunities for everyone. But governments have relied on market signals, rather than sustained industrial strategies, to align an increasing supply of graduates with the capabilities necessary to capitalise on them in the workplace. This has yielded anaemic growth since the 2007 banking crash, together with suggestions that higher education expansion diminishes the prospects of people and places without universities.

    In a competitive environment, universities may be perceived to focus on recruiting students, rather than providing them with adequate support, and to invest in non-academic services, rather than the quality of teaching. These conditions may also encourage universities to seek global measures of esteem recognised by league tables, rather than serving local people and communities through the civic mission for which most were established.

    Market forces were expected to increase the diversity of provision as universities compete to serve the needs of an expanding student population. But higher education does not work like other markets, even when the price is not controlled as for undergraduates in England. Competition yields convergence around established courses and modes of learning that are understood by potential students, rather than those that may be more efficient or strategically important for the nation as a whole.

    Navigating the new policy environment

    After more than a decade of reforms encouraging competition and choice, there appears to be less faith in well-regulated market forces positioning knowledgeable graduates to drive growth. Universities are now expected to become embedded within local and national growth plans and industrial strategy sectors, which prioritise skills that can be deployed in specific settings ahead of broadly applicable knowledge. This asks universities to consider the particular needs of industry, public services and communities in their local areas, rather than demand from students alone.

    Despite these different imperatives, English higher education will continue to be financed mostly by students’ tuition fees and governed by regulatory powers designed to provide confidence for their choices. We suggest four ingredients for navigating this, which are concerned with strategy, architecture, regulation and funding.

    The government has promised a single strategy for post-16 education and a new body, Skills England, to oversee it. A more unified approach across the different parts of post-compulsory education should encourage pathways between different types of learning, and a more coherent offer for both learners and employers. But it also needs to align factors that influence the demand for graduates, such as research and innovation, with decisions that influence their supply. That requires a new mindset for education policy, which has tended to prioritise national rules ahead of local responsiveness, or indeed coherence with other sectors and parts of government.

    Delivery of a unified strategy is hampered by the fragmented and complex architecture governing post-16 education. Skills England will provide underpinning evidence, both influencing and drawing on Local Skills Improvement Plans (LSIPs), but it remains uncertain how this will be translated into measures that influence provision, particularly in universities. A unified strategy demands structures for convening universities, colleges, employers and local authorities to deliver it in local areas across the country.

    That could be addressed by extending the remit of LSIPs beyond a shopping list of skills requirements and enhancing the role of universities within them. Universities have the expertise to diagnose needs and broker responses, aligning innovation that shapes products and services with the skills needed to work with them. They will, though, only engage this full capability if local structures are accompanied by national regulatory and funding incentives, so there is a unified local body responsible for skills and innovation within a national framework.

    Regulation remains essential for providing confidence to students and taxpayers, but there could be a re-balancing of regulatory duties, so they have regard to place and promote coherence, rather than competition for individual students alone. This could influence regulatory decisions affecting neighbouring universities and colleges, as well as the ways in which university performance is measured in relation to issues such as quality and access. A clear typology of civic impact, together with indicators for measuring it, could shift the incentives for universities, particularly if there is a joined-up approach across the funding and regulation of teaching, research and knowledge exchange.

    Regulation creates the conditions for activity, but funding shapes it. Higher education tends to be a lower priority than schools within the Department for Education, and research will now be balanced alongside digital technologies within the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology. A new Lifelong Learning Entitlement and reformed Growth and Skills Levy may provide new opportunities for some universities, but any headroom for higher education spending is likely to be tied to specific goals. This will include place and industry-oriented research and innovation programmes and single-pot allocations for some MSAs, alongside the substantial public and private income universities will continue to generate in sectors such as health and defence. In this context, aligning universities with the post-16 education strategy relies on pooling different sources of finance around common goals.

    Closer alignment of this kind should not undermine the importance of knowledge or indeed create divisions with skills that are inconsistent with the character and development of English higher education to date. The shift in emphasis from knowledge towards skills reframes how the contributions of universities are articulated and valued in policy and public debate, but it need not fundamentally change their responsibility for knowledge creation and intellectual development.

    This appears to have been recognised by ministers, given the statements they have made about the positioning of foundational knowledge within strategies for schools, research and the economy. We have, though, entered a new era, which requires greater consideration of the demand for and take-up of graduates and ideas locally and nationally, and a different approach from universities in response to this.

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  • Can knowledge exchange fix a broken economy?

    Can knowledge exchange fix a broken economy?

    There’s always a challenge in trying to describe knowledge exchange, how it’s funded, why it’s worth worrying about, and what it actually does to the economy.

    Mechanisms

    The default is to talk about its underpinning mechanisms. The way that money goes to universities, their partners and then circulates into the real economy, and then hopefully something good happens. The problem with this approach is that outside of experts and hardy enthusiasts like me this approach is, well, rather dull.

    And knowledge exchange is a less than glamorous name for some of the most important work universities do. ESRC, one of UKRI’s funding councils, has a rather elegant way of describing it:

    The Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) is committed to encouraging collaboration between researchers and businesses, policymakers, the public and third sector organisations (for example charities and voluntary groups). This can create mutual benefits and contribute to positive economic and social impacts outside academia, for example through changes to policy and practice or new products and services created by commercialising research. Two-way interactions of this type are often collectively referred to as knowledge exchange. This is an umbrella term that covers a wide range of activities researchers might engage in, including policy engagement, public engagement, commercialisation and business engagement.

    A less elegant way is to say that universities working together with other organisations can make the economy and society stronger. It is not a dry technocratic thing but the very way in which the wonderful things that are produced in universities become useful. Great ideas without an audience are interesting but fruitless. An expectant audience with no great ideas are bound for disappointment.

    This means that there must be both the conditions for useful ideas to be produced and the conditions for organisations to make use of them. Research England, another funding body of UKRI, funds knowledge exchange through the Higher Education Innovation Fund (HEIF) and the Connecting Capability Fund (CCF). While HEIF is a more general knowledge exchange fund the CCF is focussed on the commercialisation of research with business. These funds are small compared to the overall research funding pots. HEIF is a formula based fund of £260m compared to an overall UKRI budget of over £8bn.

    The key question isn’t whether knowledge exchange is a good thing. It self evidently is. But whether the intervention by funders is producing bigger impacts than would naturally happen through universities working with businesses, policy makers, and other groups. After all, universities would still benefit from equity in spin-outs and bask in the warm glow of civic participation even if they weren’t supported to do so.

    Reports

    UKRI has brought out three new reports that look at knowledge exchange funding.

    The first report is an evaluation of HEIF carried out by Tomas Coates Ulrichsen. The part which UKRI will be most proud of, and should definitely cause them to consider whether their funding is enough, is that every £1 invested in HEIF produces £14.8 return on investment if you crowd in actual and estimated external impacts. Perhaps even more impressively the report also suggests that “38% of knowledge exchange outputs and incomes would not have happened in the absence of HEIF.” This isn’t activity that is being paid for twice but activity that is actually being created.

    However, while this makes the case persuasively for the value of HEIF it’s the summary which gives us a bigger clue into what is going on in the economy. The report notes

    The past two decades has seen KE income secured by English HEPs grow significantly in real terms, with KE income 81% higher in 2022/23 than in 2003/04 for HEPs in receipt of HEIF during the period 2017/18 – 2022/23 (the vast majority of HEPs in England). However, what is clear is that this twenty-year period is characterised by two very different decades. While KE income grew strongly – and faster than the economy as a whole – during the first decade, the past ten years has seen this growth largely stagnate. The limited growth in KE income may well reflect the multiple crises and shocks the UK has faced since then, not least with the Covid-19 pandemic, cost of living crisis, and departure from the European Union and the effects of this on R&D with research grants and contracts income to HEPs from European sources declining almost 30% in real terms since the EU referendum in 2016. KE income now appears to track trends in the economy more widely (as measured by the UK’s GDP).

    To read the inverse of this is that the wider economy is a constraining factor on the ability of universities to deploy their research for social and economic benefit.

    There is perhaps a tacit assumption that if universities produce great and useful research it will lead to great and useful things in the economy and society. This is only true as long as the economy has the absorptive capacity to keep the cycle of knowledge exchange investment which leads to knowledge exchange outputs which supports knowledge exchange income churning.

    Help/HEIF

    The evaluation of HEIF carried out by PA Consulting is particularly illuminating within this frame. The key findings are that in a changing policy environment HEIF has anchored the sector to make some significant social and economic impacts. It is the flexibility of the fund which has allowed specialisms to develop, the autonomy of the fund has found favourability in the sector, its stability has allowed for long-term partnerships, and a more permissive approach to accountability has allowed providers to demonstrate their value without drowning under administration.

    The report is full of examples of how HEIF funding has catalysed wider social and economic activity but the examples have two things in common. The first is that allowing flexibility in the fund means it can be deployed in multiple partners in multiple ways. This means that even where there are wider economic challenges the funding can be tailored to suit the challenges of local economies. The second is that the long-term nature of the fund allows for greater stability within partnerships to withstand adverse economic headwinds.

    Together, the two reports point toward HEIF as being successful as it demonstrably supports economic growth but does so through flexibility and provider autonomy linked, to a lesser or greater extent, to national priorities. It’s only a small fund but it is impactful.

    Same old SMEs

    The final report on CCF by Wellspring again demonstrates a positive return on investment. The programme has led to 200 new spin-outs and supported over 1,500 SMEs. The programme has led to the launch of at least 338 products and services and it is expected more will be launched over time, particularly in high-tech spin-outs.

    The obvious albeit incorrect conclusion to draw would be that if each of these interventions induce such strong economic benefits then making the intervention larger would make the economy stronger. In fact, if the economic returns are so strong then the projects could presumably be 10, 100, or 1,000 times bigger, and continue to provide economic return.

    Instead, what these reports highlight is that knowledge exchange funding is a product of the wider economy. There is a natural limit to how much activity can take place as there comes a point where the economy is not large enough or dynamic enough to absorb the benefits of universities’ work. In fact, these reports indirectly demonstrate how economies get stuck into a death spiral. Productivity stalls which prevents the absorption of innovative products and services. Without innovative products and services the economy cannot become more productive. And so on.

    The benefits these schemes are realising would suggest they are not close to meeting the capacity of the economy and could therefore be much larger. It is also a matter of purpose. The funds are designed on a premise that there is capacity to make use of university work. It is a much harder question to imagine how funding should be designed where it is necessary to restart a broken economy.

    The impact of these funds is striking, the reports written about them are convincing, however they open a door to a wider question of whether knowledge exchange funding is big enough, well directed enough, or tooled properly, to fix the UK’s entrenched economic issues including its collapsed productivity.

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  • Bridging borders in knowledge: the internationalisation of Chinese social sciences

    Bridging borders in knowledge: the internationalisation of Chinese social sciences

    by Márton Demeter, Manuel Goyanes, Gergő Háló and Xin Xu

    The dynamics of Chinese social sciences are shifting rapidly. As policies aim to balance domestic priorities with global integration, the interplay between China’s academic output and its international reception highlights critical challenges and opportunities. In a recent study published in Policy Reviews in Higher Education, we analyzed 8,962 publications by the top 500 most productive China-affiliated scholars in Economics, Education, and Political Science between 2016 and 2020.

    Uneven impacts across disciplines

    Our analysis reveals that most Chinese-authored works in these disciplines are published in Western-edited journals. Political Science publications often focus on China-specific topics, creating what may be interpreted as intellectual silos.

    By contrast, Economics stands out for its significant global impact, with Chinese scholars’ publications frequently outpacing the citation rates of their Western peers. Meanwhile, Education and Political Science publications from China generally attract fewer citations compared to those from the U.S., U.K., and Germany.

    Why does Economics perform so well? The field’s emphasis on data-driven, globally relevant research – addressing topics like economic policy, market dynamics, and financial crises – positions it effectively within international discourse. Substantial funding and resources further strengthen Economics’ visibility and impact.

    In contrast, Education often highlights region-specific practices that may resonate less with a global audience, while Political Science is constrained by political sensitivities and limited opportunities for broad international collaboration.

    Patterns of collaboration

    Collaboration offers another perspective of Chinese academia’s strengths and limitations. Scholars in Economics and Education often engage in diverse partnerships, with strong connections to both Western and Asian institutions. In contrast, Political Science remains more insular, with most co-authorships occurring within mainland China. This inward focus may restrict the field’s integration into global academic conversations.

    At an institutional level, hybrid collaborations – combining domestic and international partnerships – highlight China’s strategic approach to bridging local and global aspirations. However, the predominance of Western collaborators, particularly from the United States, underscores a continued reliance on established academic hubs.

    The duality of “siloed internationalisation”

    A significant finding of our study is the duality evident in Political Science research: while these publications often appear in international journals, their focus on China-specific issues reflects a form of “scientific nationalism”. This approach limits their global engagement, confining them to niche scholarly communities rather than positioning them as contributors to broader, international dialogues.

    The “international in format but national in essence” approach underscores a broader challenge for Chinese academia. It must navigate the tension between adhering to global visibility standards while championing non-Western perspectives and priorities.

    Policy and practical implications

    Our findings also carry critical implications for policymakers, institutions, and global academic networks. For China, fostering more diverse collaborations – beyond traditional Western partners – can reduce overreliance on dominant paradigms and contribute to a more equitable global knowledge production system. Initiatives with an emphasis on partnerships with Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Eastern Europe, could play a key role in reshaping these dynamics.

    We believe that, for the global academic community, greater inclusivity requires deliberate efforts to decenter Western paradigms. Platforms that ensure equitable participation and strategies to protect collaborations from geopolitical tensions are vital for sustaining open and impactful scientific exchange.

    Looking forward

    The field of Economics exemplifies how targeted investment and international integration can amplify visibility and impact. To replicate this success in Education and Political Science, expanding international collaboration and addressing thematic silos are essential. At the same time, global academic networks must also embrace diverse perspectives to ensure that voices from regions like China enrich rather than merely adapt to dominant discourses.

    Importantly, in an era of geopolitical uncertainty, research can serve as a vital conduit for mutual understanding and collaboration. By prioritising equitable partnerships and sustaining global dialogue, we can work toward a more inclusive and, therefore, more resilient academic ecosystem.

    Our study offers practical guidance for addressing the challenges of internationalization in Chinese social sciences, providing valuable tools for scholars, institutions, and policymakers working to advance global knowledge production.

    For more details, explore our full paper:

    Demeter, M, Goyanes, M. Háló, G and Xu, X (2024) ‘The Internationalisation of Chinese Social Sciences Research: Publication, Collaboration, and Citation Patterns in Economics, Education, and Political Science’ https://doi.org/10.1080/23322969.2024.2438240.

    Márton Demeter is a Full Professor at the University of Public Service, Budapest at the Department of Social Communication, and he is the Head of Department for Science Strategy. He has extensively published on academic knowledge production in communication studies and beyond.

    Manuel Goyanes serves as Associate Professor of Research Methods at Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. His interdisciplinary work revolves around theoretically designing, and empirically testing, cutting-edge quantitative and qualitative methodological procedures to scientifically address challenging aspects of social science inquiry 

    Gergő Háló, an assistant professor at the National University of Public Service Budapest, specialises in socio-critical studies of geopolitical and gender inequalities in science, academic performance, research assessment frameworks, and higher education policies.

    Xin Xu is a Departmental Lecturer in Higher/Tertiary Education at the Department of Education, University of Oxford, and the deputy director of the Centre for Skills, Knowledge, and Organisational Performance (SKOPE). Her research focuses on tertiary education and the research on research.

    Author: SRHE News Blog

    An international learned society, concerned with supporting research and researchers into Higher Education

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