Tag: legislation

  • New legislation in Scotland increases the SFC’s powers, but only up to a point

    New legislation in Scotland increases the SFC’s powers, but only up to a point

    Post-school reform in Scotland continues to chug along, following last month’s announcement of the preferred future shape of the funding body landscape.

    Today sees the legislation that will enact the changes introduced in Holyrood: the Tertiary Education and Training (Funding and Governance) (Scotland) Bill.

    We’ve been over how responsibilities for further education student support and apprenticeships and skills funding will shift around, and the bill also contains expected changes to the governance arrangements of the Scottish Funding Council (SFC), as well as some technical changes relating to fees and private provision.

    But what’s emerged as perhaps the more pressing question for the higher education sector is how the legislation will change SFC responsibilities and powers, as these apply to its work with universities. The legislation sets out the route the Scottish government will take here, and it’s a fairly balanced one – we are still a long way from an England-style “boots on the ground” regulatory environment, likely to the relief of many.

    Tell us about your finances

    Much of what the bill will do legislatively is through modifications to the Further and Higher Education (Scotland) Act 2005. Section 22(4) of this gives the SFC various powers to “pull” information from universities – or strictly, from their governing bodies – but only where the funder knows that the information exists, or may exist.

    The new legislation aims to create a landscape in which post-16 education bodies must “proactively notify SFC of certain developments of which the SFC might otherwise be unaware” in what the bill’s policy memorandum characterises as a “push” of information – a responsibility to notify the funding council of things it would not have known otherwise. Those who are more used to other UK systems will probably be thinking of “reportable events”.

    It’s suggested that notifications would likely be sought in the following kinds of situation:

    • Where a university is planning voluntary or compulsory severance (so no daily refreshing of the QMUL UCU cuts tracker for the SFC)
    • Where a university has reached a certain threshold in a rapidly worsening financial viability situation
    • A major data breach, such as resulting from a cyberattack.

    But exactly how this will work is not specified on the face of the legislation – it would be determined by ministers via the laying of regulations, with consultation and an affirmative procedure in the Scottish Parliament, “given that they could potentially place significant obligations on post-16 education bodies.” But this does mean that there is a lack of clarity on exactly what the bill is going to mandate.

    Part of the rationale for beefing up the legislation from what was previously anticipated (and let’s be honest, what was in the consultation) seems to be that ministers have not received enough clarity about the financial challenges being faced by certain universities and colleges. When the policy memorandum notes that “there can be challenges for SFC in getting information from post-16 education bodies about their financial sustainability,” you feel that really the issue is about ministerial oversight and the sense of having active levers to pull. This is given an explicit tweak elsewhere in the bill (again, quoting the policy memorandum):

    New section 15A(2) allows the Scottish Ministers to seek information and advice from the SFC relating to post-16 education bodies, this could be an individual body or the bodies as a whole. Section 15A(3) requires the SFC to respond to any such request from the Scottish Ministers and the SFC may also offer information proactively when it considers it appropriate to do so. This is necessary because unforeseen circumstances may arise of which the Scottish Ministers might otherwise be unaware (and so would not know to enquire).

    So what are you going to do about it?

    Also in the 2005 Act is provision for the SFC to “secure the promotion or carrying out of studies designed to improve economy, efficiency and effectiveness in the management or operations of any fundable body” – but no such power exists where the matters are not related to financial support.

    The new legislation would amend this, with the intention of making the SFC able to “address a broader range of matters to assist with performance improvement.” So in scope for an efficiency study would now be the needs and interests of learners:

    The policy intention is that the SFC could, particularly where notified of certain adverse circumstances (such as course closures), instigate studies or reviews of the impact on students and learners so that assistance could be provided to ensure they are not negatively impacted. For example, if a college was heading towards needing to close courses before students could complete them, the SFC could help to make arrangements for the students to continue their education at different colleges.

    Bringing the student interest in scope sounds sensible in theory, but there remains the question of what changes on the ground, beyond the production of a study. The 2005 Act allows the SFC to attend and speak to an institution’s governing body – the new section 15(4) of this bill will extend this to the issuing of a set of written recommendations.

    So the SFC will be able to recommend setting specific improvement targets, or requiring the development of an improvement plan. And it will now even be able to publish these, “where there is wider interest amongst institutions, or the public, in the recommendations and they are not sensitive.” But it won’t be obliged to.

    And what if its recommendations are ignored?

    As with the SFC’s right to address meetings, already provided for in section 16 of the 2005 Act, there is no corresponding duty on the fundable body to do anything in response to the recommendations. However, as a matter of good governance and practice, the Scottish Government would expect the fundable body to consider them appropriately.

    But beyond these recommendations, in the legislation as it stands there would be proper statutory powers for the SFC to influence educational institutions’ behaviour, through the issuing of guidance, which currently is “purely administrative” (though presumably always very welcome). The Tertiary Education and Training Bill will change this, so that institutions must have regard to the guidance, in the carrying out of their funded activities (note that “have regard to” is quite woolly language – something that the Office for Students has exploited frequently within the way HERA was drafted). But the SFC will have to consult both ministers and institutions in issuing guidance.

    It could have been otherwise

    Various alternative approaches were considered and rejected. The use of codes of conduct (“for example to address concerns around breaches of fair work conditions”) was felt to potentially lead to complex interactions with other requirements, and diminish autonomy. Plus there would have been a need for “appropriate enforcement mechanisms,” which is a whole other question.

    More powers of audit and investigation were also considered and not taken forward, which would have been a move towards a “more interventionist SFC.” Likewise for stronger enforcement and intervention action, including serving enforcement notices or the removing, suspending, or appointing of officers or governing body members.

    But this would have been “a fundamental change to SFC’s role which requires more careful consideration” – and would have gone way beyond what was originally consulted on.

    There’s still a long way to go here – Universities Scotland is already noting the “new, very broadly defined provisions regarding the monitoring of the financial sustainability of institutions,” and raising concerns that too much change in the relationship between the SFC and universities (or universities and the Scottish government) could jeopardise the classification of universities in the Office for National Statistics classification.

    The Scottish government seems to be aware of this particular risk – but there are certainly MSPs keen for the SFC to become more “interventionist”, and the legislation now faces a complicated passage through a Parliament in which the SNP does not hold a majority. The ministerial statement to Holyrood launching the bill saw Ross Greer of the Scottish Greens concerned about whether the SFC would have the ability to intervene in matters relating to fair work – higher education minister Graeme Dey said he would be happy to discuss the issue further.

    For now the legislation aims at a delicate balancing act between juicing up the SFC’s role and preserving universities’ autonomy. The next question is whether this persists in the face of deeper scrutiny and parliamentary compromises.

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  • A bone of contention with secondary legislation

    A bone of contention with secondary legislation

    Statutory instruments – sometimes described as secondary legislation – sit on the boundary between lawmaking and regulation.

    Unlike primary legislation (the Bills we all know and follow diligently through various stages of parliamentary scrutiny before they become Acts), statutory instruments (SIs) are discussed by MPs and Lords only in rare (and usually carefully specified) cases.

    Most of the time, a Secretary of State decides to make regulations (yes, that’s another name for SIs) and publishes them – they become law immediately, although there is a nominal 40 day period for people to complain about them.

    On this basis, you’d expect SIs to be used only in uncontroversial circumstances – to enact previously agreed policy. And that’s the way it is meant to work – policy on the face of the bill, practical implementation in the SIs. And for stuff that is too technical (or dull) to be in an SI – an independent, arms-length regulator, makes the call.

    Spooky, scary

    A “skeleton bill” is a piece of primary legislation that is primarily concerned with giving the Secretary of State powers to do things via SIs. These are unpopular among parliamentarians and informed observers because they put the thing that is meant to be discussed – the policy – out of bounds during parliamentary scrutiny.

    In 2021 the House of Lords Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee (DPRRC) defined a skeleton bill as:

    where the provision on the face of the bill is so insubstantial that the real operation of the act, or sections of an act, would be entirely by the regulations or orders made under it

    As with other parliamentary bodies (the House of Lords Constitution Committee, the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee) it is of the belief that skeleton legislation should only be used in the most exceptional circumstances – the pandemic was cited as one example of such a situation.

    Skeletons on parade

    In higher education and skills we’ve had more than our fair share of skeletons: very short, technical, bills where the policy action is primarily in SIs. Let’s run them down, from newest to oldest.

    The Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education (Transfer of Functions etc) Bill 2024 is supposed to be bringing about a new agency, Skills England. However, you will look in vain for the words “Skills England” on the face of the bill: what is there generally tidies up the implications of getting rid of the Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education by assigning powers and responsibilities to the Department for Education.

    The Lifelong Learning (Higher Education Fee Limits) Act 2023 was promoted as providing the underpinnings of the Lifelong Learning Entitlement – in practice everything from fee levels to regulation to the speed of implementation is at the whim of the Secretary of State and a selection of SIs.

    The Skills and Post-16 Education Act 2022 provides further initial LLE underpinnings, alongside a grab bag of other higher education and skills related interventions (LSIPs, essay mills, new and scary powers for OfS). But you’d be hard pushed to identify, much less offer scrutiny to, a central animating policy idea.

    The Advanced Research and Invention Agency Act 2022 was fairly clear in bringing about a new research funding body, ARIA. However, if you want to know what it might research, to what level it will be funded, how it relates to other research funding or research performing bodies, or how it will be held to account for the way it uses public funds, you will be disappointed.

    Let battle commence

    And the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act 2023 is short, and technical, but arguably it is not a skeleton bill. There is plenty of policy in there to get stuck into – indeed, it spent a day under two years before parliament (a record for the modern era). But, as it turns out, SIs held the key to the extent to which measures are implemented, and when.

    It illustrates a point at which every bill may be seen as a skeleton bill of a sort: the use of SIs for commencement.

    In broad terms a bill becomes law at the moment it is given Royal Assent – if the King signs it off (metaphorically) on a Tuesday morning at 10am, it is the law of the land from Tuesday morning at 10am onwards.

    There may be some circumstances where this is not appropriate – for instance if a bill sets up a duty on something or someone, and then provides consequences regarding the way this duty is discharged. For this reason, you sometimes see relative (six months after assent, for example) or absolute (1 August 2025) dates in the “commencement” section of the act, allowing for a delay to get things in order or to give a grace period to allow time to comply with the new rules.

    Even then, it may not always be possible to put a precise date on these things. Perhaps an act makes a new public appointment – this might need time to recruit, interview, and approve a person – and then give that person new powers. As you can’t really give powers to something, or someone, that doesn’t yet exist a Secretary of State may commence these powers only when the post is filled, and (yes) an SI is the tool to do this.

    (as a fun aside, the reason I keep capitalising Secretary of State in this piece is because when an act gives powers to a secretary of state it doesn’t just mean the secretary of state of the department that “owns” the bill – it means any secretary of state. It’s a hangover from a time when there was only one secretary of state for the whole government – and the upshot of this is that, technically, Nadine Dorries could have made regulations about the use of the UK’s nuclear deterrent while she was Secretary of State for Culture. It really is a wonder that we still all exist)

    I choose not to choose

    As I noted the other week, a Secretary of State is equally able to decide not to use their commencement powers. There’s not really any formal or legal comeback on a choice like this – although there could be noisy complaints where the decision is a high profile one and can be seen as the expressed will of parliament. In the comments, Julian Gravatt correctly notes that the Easter Act 1928, which would sensibly fix the date of Easter as being the second Sunday in April each year, has yet to be commenced – I have yet to hear from the Free Speech Union on this breach of the democratic will of the people.

    If it sounds like I’m being flippant here, be aware that there is a serious point too. If you take the fundamental standpoint that policy gets better with scrutiny and that ultimately parliament expresses the will of the people, the idea that a minister could just ignore stuff is a bit of a worry.

    There are sensible reasons for this – I don’t want every element of the HESA Student specification to be discussed on the floor of the commons, I don’t really want the minister explaining to parliament why she wants to give OfS another month to properly make sense of consultation responses – but if you cast your mind over the list of acts above it does feel like an unpleasantly long time since the Commons or the Lords had a serious discussion about higher education policy that had any chance of having an impact on the way things work.

    There’s a part of me that still remembers the low information nature of some of the conversations that did happen during the extended stay of the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act – but if you think back even further (to the 2017 Higher Education and Research Act) it is possible, especially in the Lords, for the government to get useful and meaningful advice on their proposed actions which will have the pleasing upshot of making higher education work better.

    And perhaps we need more of that as we design the next phase of higher education policy.

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  • National Student Ombudsman legislation passed, leader announced

    National Student Ombudsman legislation passed, leader announced

    The new independent National Student Ombudsman will be led by Sarah Bendall (L), pictured with Jason Clare, in an image posted to social media on November 29, 2024. Picture: Facebook

    A highly experienced lawyer has been appointed to lead the anticipated university watchdog and complaints function, after the legislation passed in the last sitting week of parliament.

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