Tag: Line

  • Tenn. Lawsuit Puts Hispanic-Servings’ Fate on the Line

    Tenn. Lawsuit Puts Hispanic-Servings’ Fate on the Line

    Two years after its Supreme Court victory against Harvard and UNC Chapel Hill, Students for Fair Admissions has a new target in its sights: Hispanic-serving institutions. On Wednesday, the advocacy group joined the state of Tennessee in suing the U.S. Department of Education, arguing that the criteria to become an HSI are unconstitutional and discriminatory. The move is distressing HSI advocates, who hoped to see the institutions left out of the political fray.

    To qualify as an HSI, a college or university needs to have a student body comprised of at least 25 percent Hispanic students and enroll at least 50 percent low-income students, or more than other comparable institutions, among other criteria. No Tennessee institutions operated by the state meet the threshold and are thus prohibited from applying for HSI-specific grants—even though they serve Hispanic and low-income students, according to the Tennessee attorney general and SFFA. As a result, the federal designation criteria amounts to discrimination, and Tennessee universities and students suffer as a result, the plaintiffs argue.

    They also say Tennessee institutions find themselves in an “unconstitutional dilemma”: Even if they wanted to, they argue, they can’t use affirmative action to up their Hispanic student enrollments since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against using race as a factor in college admissions. That 2023 decision resulted from lawsuits SFFA brought against Harvard and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

    “The HSI program is particularly egregious in terms of how it treats students based on immutable characteristics,” Tennessee attorney general Jonathan Skrmetti, who’s representing the state in the suit, told Inside Higher Ed. “It is just manifestly unfair that a needy student in Tennessee does not have access to this pool of funds because they go to a school that doesn’t have the right ethnic makeup.”

    The lawsuit calls for “a declaratory judgement that the HSI program’s ethnicity-based requirements are unconstitutional” and “a permanent injunction prohibiting the [Education] Secretary from enforcing or applying the HSI program’s ethnicity-based requirements when making decisions whether to award or maintain grants to Tennessee’s institutions of higher education.”

    HSI proponents may be jarred by the legal challenge, but they aren’t entirely surprised. Conservative think tanks like the Manhattan Institute and the American Civil Rights Project have previously proposed abolishing enrollment-based minority-serving institutions (MSIs), including HSIs and Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander–serving institutions, which are defined as enrolling 10 percent of students from these groups.

    “It was only a matter of time before the anti-DEI movement hit the enrollment-based MSIs,” said Gina Ann Garcia, a professor who studies MSIs in the school of education at the University of California, Berkeley. “It still was a punch to the gut.”

    2 Sides At Odds

    Congress established the HSI program in the 1990s to improve the quality of education at colleges and universities that disproportionately serve Latino students, who were concentrated at colleges with relatively fewer financial resources. They’ve historically enjoyed bipartisan support. Last year, the federal government appropriated about $229 million for the country’s roughly 600 Hispanic-serving institutions; $28 million of that funding went to 49 of the HSIs that applied for the competitive grants.

    Deborah Santiago, co-founder and CEO of Excelencia in Education, an organization that promotes Latino student success, believes the lawsuit mischaracterizes the program and its role in the national higher education landscape. She said it’s in the country’s “self-interest” to invest in colleges and universities with limited resources that serve a growing student population with stubborn degree-attainment gaps.

    “If a disproportionate number of students of any background are at an institution that has a high enrollment of needy students, low educational core expenditures and serves a high proportion of students that that could benefit from that [funding] to serve the country, I don’t think that’s discriminating,” she said.

    She also stressed that the grant program “doesn’t explicitly require any resources to go to a specific population” but funds capacity-building efforts, like building new laboratories and facilities, that benefit all students at the institution.

    The HSI program is a way “to target limited federal resources and meet the federal mandate of access for low-income students,” she said. “We know that it costs more to educate Hispanic students, because they’re more likely to be low income and first gen, so college knowledge, student support services—all of that takes institutional investment.”

    But opponents of HSIs don’t buy it.

    Wenyuan Wu, executive director of the Californians for Equal Rights Foundation, a think tank and watchdog organization focused on promoting “equal rights and merit,” firmly believes enrollment-based minority-serving institutions are discriminatory and applauded the lawsuit as a step in the right direction.

    She argued that HSI funding has gone to efforts specifically to support Latino students, including some she sees as “ideological.” For example, the University of Connecticut at Stamford proposed using the funding to start a program called Sueño Scholars, to “recruit, support and mentor undergraduate Hispanic, other minority, low-income, and high-need students” to enter teaching graduate programs and included a goal of “developing and sustaining antiracist orientations towards teaching and learning,” according to the department’s list of project abstracts.

    Wu asserted that putting federal money toward efforts like these is a problem. She’d rather see the funds designated for HSIs channeled into Pell Grants or other supports for low-income students.

    “Taxpayer funds should not be used to engage in racial balancing, and that’s exactly the kind of behavior that has been incentivized by MSIs,” said Wu, who is also chair of the Georgia Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights.

    Possible Outcomes

    Robert Kelchen, head of the Educational Leadership and Policy Studies Department at the University of Tennessee at Knoxville, believes the lawsuit has “a possibility of success.” It was filed in a conservative-leaning federal district court in Knoxville, and Tennessee seems to have shown it has legal standing, he said.

    Even “if the court here in Knoxville doesn’t agree, another state could choose to file a similar lawsuit in their district court as well,” he said. Ultimately, “the question is, can they find one court that agrees with the plaintiffs’ interpretation.”

    The move by Tennessee comes just a week after the federal government successfully sued Texas to eliminate in-state tuition for undocumented students—a policy Republican state lawmakers had tried but failed to end. The Texas attorney general celebrated the challenge, siding with the U.S. Department of Justice in a matter of hours, and a judge promptly quashed the two-decade-old state law. (Stephen Vladeck, a professor of law at the Georgetown University Law Center, called the episode “transparently collusive.”)

    Kelchen believes the Tennessee lawsuit is following a similar playbook. He expects to see more red states and conservative organizations sue the Education Department on issues where they align “to get rid of things that neither of [them] like,” he said—though in Tennessee’s case, it’s unclear how the department will respond.

    Skrmetti told Inside Higher Ed that “from Tennessee’s perspective, this is not part of a broader strategy to influence education policy. This is about discrimination against Tennessee schools because of the ethnic makeup of their student bodies.”

    If the plaintiffs win, it’s unclear whether that would mean changing the federal definition of an HSI to eliminate a Hispanic enrollment threshold or axing the HSI program altogether. The implications for other types of enrollment-based minority-serving institutions are also hazy.

    Skrmetti is open to multiple options.

    “At the end of the day, there’s [HSI] money out there to help needy students, and we want to make sure that needy students can access it regardless of the ethnic makeup of the schools they’re at,” he said. “There are a couple different avenues I think that could successfully achieve the goal operationally. We need to just get a declaration that the current situation does violate the Constitution.”

    Santiago, of Excelencia in Education, said there’s room for “thoughtful discussion” about reforming or expanding requirements for HSI grant funding, but she believes “it needs to come from the community.”

    She also pointed out that the lawsuit is against the Department of Education, which administers HSI funding but doesn’t control it—Congress does. So the department doesn’t have the power to end the funding.

    Nonetheless, “it would be foolish to not take it seriously,” she said.

    Garcia, the Berkeley education professor, said that while she’s not a lawyer, she believes there are legal questions worth raising about the lawsuit, particularly the way it leans on the Supreme Court’s ruling against affirmative action in admissions.

    She pointed out that HSIs tend to be broad-access or open-access institutions that admit most applicants, rather than selective institutions explicitly recruiting Latino students; only about two dozen of the 600 HSIs are highly selective, she said. So, the assertion that HSIs have any connection to the affirmative action ruling is up for debate, she said.

    Skrmetti believes it’s a cut-and-dried case.

    “You can’t make determinations about the allocation of resources based on ancestry or skin color or anything like that without inherent discrimination,” he said. “We need to help all needy students. And the HSI designation is an obstacle to that.”

    Garcia believes that regardless of whether the lawsuit is successful, it’s already done damage to HSIs by dragging them—and enrollment-based MSIs in general—into the country’s political skirmishes over diversity, equity and inclusion.

    “I’ve been just watching HSIs fly a little bit under the radar,” she said. “They don’t come up a lot” in national conversations about DEI. But the lawsuit “brings HSIs into the light, and it brings them into the attack.”

    She worries that students are the ones who will suffer if HSIs no longer receive dedicated funding.

    HSIs “are often underresourced institutions,” she said. “They’re institutions that are struggling to serve a large population of minoritized students, of students of color, of low-income students, of first-gen students. We’re not talking about the Harvards and the Columbias.”

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  • Cutting In Line for Faculty Appointments

    Cutting In Line for Faculty Appointments

     


    Cutting in Line

    You
    might think that law professors are sticklers for following the rules. In fact,
    the opposite is true. They do not regard rules, and especially University
    Regulations as applying to them. I have seen this applied to tenure standards
    and the composition of committees. I’d have to say in fairness to  law professors, it is clear that Universities
    ignore their own rules and even state law when it suits them.

    There
    are many example, but one that stands out is hiring spouses. Under state and
    federal law as well as university regulation when a position is open it must be
    publicly advertised. This is in part to make sure there is no favoritism and so
    that people of all genders and races have a chance to apply.

    The
    usual hiring season takes place in the fall and winter. So it was with some
    surprise that Dean Bob came to the faculty with a candidate for an
    environmental law position in the Spring. He said the University President wanted us to hire
    her. She  had not gone through the usual
    recruitment process, we did not need a teacher in the area, and we had not
    given public notice of the availability of a position. The faculty resisted so
    to some extent and the Dean explained that the medical school wanted to hire
    her husband and part of the deal was that we hire his wife. When asked what the
    consequences were if we did not hire her his answer was “catastrophic.” The
    faculty voted to make an offer although no one knew what catastrophic meant.
    She accepted the offer, basically saying to other would be applicants “Get the fuck out of my way? Don’t you know who I sleep with?” and  with the understanding most or all of her salary would
    be paid by the central administration and the med school. In effect, a job for
    her was part of the salary of the hot shot med school hire. No way around this. 

    After
    she was hired, in order to “comply” with State, federal and university
    regulations, a public notice of the job was issued. Twenty people applied. What
    they did  not know is that the School had
    violated the law and already hired someone for the job opening they were just
    hearing about. I raised the issue with several people in an effort to determine
    who had made the decision to violate the law and the response was dead silence. Law schools are experts at the “coverup.” But this story has an even less happy ending. Within two years the hot shot med
    school hired decided he hated it at the med school and  the school was left with someone who would not
    have been hired teaching in an area that was already covered. The last I heard
    she had moved to who knows where with her husband but was still on the faculty
    teaching remotely or occasionally. 

    When
    the rules are bent to allow spouses to cut in line one question that comes up
    is what to do if the couple splits up. Actually there is answer to that – you
    do nothing. So, in many instances, the spouse cuts in line through some
    unlawful act of the university or law school, is hired and then stays even
    though the rationale for hiring him or her has long since disappeared. Remember
    that the trailing spouse’s job was a form of income the person who was sought
    after. Evidently, that income is retained even who the sought after person is
    divorced, quits, or dies.

                Often when the spouse is hired he or
    she is in a different department. This raises the question of what happens of
    one spouse gets tenure and the other one does not. If one department really
    wants to retain the performing spouse, then the standards have be lowered for
    the other one.

                Maybe the most unusual spouse issue
    I have seen involved a professor who was hired on the merits.  His wife was hired to take the position as a
    legal writing instructor which is lower paying job with no promise of eventual
    tenure. The wife and husband desperately wanted for the wife to be elevated to
    a regular faculty position. She wrote articles and applied through the normal
    process. The husband was a decent teacher and good scholar but a bit of a jerk so
    there was not going to be a free pass. 
    After going through the process and being interviewed, she was not made
    an offer. It is entirely possibly that the collective hope was that if she were
    rejected maybe the husband would leave. The problem was his jerkiness was
    pretty widely known and he was not likely to be recruited. Personally, I liked
    him because, in his own way, he too was an outsider and spoke truths no one wanted to hear.

                It is an understatement to say they
    were bitter. It was a great example of the sense of entitlement of people who
    graduate from elite schools have. She was very upset about being a lowly
    writing instruction although their combined income was quite high. For some
    reason and  am not sure why, their
    bitterness became aimed at each other. Their divorce would make most messy
    divorces seem amicable. She eventually did get a regular teaching position at a 
    low ranking school.

                Remember those articles she wrote while
    hoping for a job at her ex husbands school?

    Well
    shortly after the breakup he began listing them as having been “ghost written”
    or ghost co-authored by himself. In short, he was now claimed that they had
    dishonestly represented as her work he had done as her work. The raised a bit
    of an ethical question. Were they both lying or just him when he claimed to
    have written he article with her name on them. Always wishing to make a bad
    situation worse, the battle between exes took to the internet when he sent an
    email with the subject “ungrateful bitches.” That pretty much put an end to any
    chance he had to move up through the law school ranks. In fact, when this all
    happened it was rumored that he had a visiting offer from Harvard. That was
    withdrawn.

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