Tag: proposals

  • TEF proposals’ radical reconfiguration of quality risk destabilising the sector – here’s the fix

    TEF proposals’ radical reconfiguration of quality risk destabilising the sector – here’s the fix

    The post-16 education and skills white paper reiterates what the Office for Students’ (OfS) recent consultation on the future of the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF) had already made quite clear: there is a strong political will to introduce a regulatory framework for HE that imposes meaningful consequences on providers whose provision is judged as being of low quality.

    While there is much that could be said about the extent to which TEF is a valid way of measuring quality or teaching excellence, we will focus on the potential unintended consequences of OfS’s proposals for the future of TEF.

    Regardless of one’s views of the TEF in general, it is relatively uncontroversial to suggest that TEF 2023 was a material improvement on its predecessor. In an analysis of the outcomes from the 2017 TEF exercise, it was clear that a huge volume of work had gone into establishing a ranking of providers which was far too closely correlated with the characteristics of their student body.

    Speaking plainly, the optimal strategy for achieving Gold in 2017 was to avoid recruiting too many students from socially and economically disadvantaged backgrounds. In 2017, the 20 providers with the fewest FSM students had no Bronze awards, while the 20 with the highest failed to have any Gold awards associated with their provision.

    Following the changes introduced in the next round of TEF assessments, while there still appears to be a correlation between student characteristics and TEF outcomes, the relationship is not as strong as it was in 2017. Here we have mapped the distribution of TEF 2023 Gold, Silver and Bronze ratings for providers with the lowest (Table 1) and highest (Table 2) proportions of students who have received free school meals (FSM), for TEF 2023.

    In TEF 2023, the link between student characteristics and TEF outcome was less pronounced. This is a genuine improvement, and one we should ensure is not lost under the new proposals for TEF.

    Reconfiguring the conception of quality

    The current TEF consultation proposes radical changes, not least of which is the integration of the regulator’s assessment of compliance with the B conditions of registration which deal with academic quality.

    At present, TEF differentiates between different levels of quality that are all deemed to be above minimum standards – built upon the premise that the UK higher education sector is, on average, “very high quality” in an international context – and operates in parallel with the OfS’s approach to ensuring compliance with minimum standards. The proposal to merge these two aspects of regulation is being posited as a way of reducing regulatory burden.

    At the same time, the OfS – with strong ministerial support – is making clear that it wants to ensure there are regulatory consequences associated with provision that fails to meet their thresholds. And this is where things become more contentious.

    Under the current framework, a provider is technically not eligible to participate in TEF if it is judged by the OfS to fall foul of minimum quality expectations. Consequently, TEF ratings of Bronze, Silver and Gold are taken to correspond with High Quality, Very High Quality and Outstanding provision, respectively. While a fourth category, Requires Improvement, was introduced for 2023, vanishingly few providers were given this rating.

    Benchmarked data on the publicly available TEF dashboard in 2023 were deemed to contribute no more than 50 per cent of the weight in each provider’s aspect outcomes. Crucially, data that was broadly in line with benchmark was deemed – as a starting hypothesis, if you will – to be consistent with a Silver rating: again, reinforcing the message that the UK HE sector is “Very High Quality” on the international stage.

    Remember this, as we journey into the contrasts with proposals for the new TEF.

    Under the proposed reforms, OfS has signalled that providers failing to be of sufficient quality would be subject to regulatory consequences. Such consequences could span from enhanced monitoring to – in extremis – deregistration; such processes and penalties would be led by OfS. We have also received the clear indication that the government may wish to withdraw permission to grow and receive inflation-linked fee increases with quality outcomes. In other words, providers who fail to achieve a certain rating in TEF may experience student number caps and fee freezes.

    These are by no means minor inconveniences for any provider, and so one might reasonably expect that the threshold for implementing such penalties would be set rather high – from the perspectives both of the proportion of the sector that would, in a healthy system, be subject to regulatory action or governmental restriction at any one time, and the operational capacity of the OfS properly to follow through and follow up on the providers that require regulatory intervention. On the contrary, however, it is being proposed that both Requires Improvement- and Bronze-rated providers would be treated as inadequate in quality terms.

    While a provider rated as Requires Improvement might expect additional intervention from the regulator, it seems less obvious why a provider rated Bronze – which was previously defined as a High Quality provider – should expect to receive enhanced regulatory scrutiny and/or restrictions on their operation.

    It’s worse than we thought

    As the sector regulator, OfS absolutely ought to be working to identify areas of non-compliance and inadequate quality. The question is whether these new proposals achieve that aim.

    This proposal amounts to OfS making a fundamental change to the way it conceptualises the very notion of quality and teaching excellence, moving from a general assumption of high quality across the sector to the presumption that there is low quality at a scale hitherto unimagined. While the potential consequences of these proposed reforms are important at the level of an individual provider, and for student and prospective students’ perceptions, it is equally important to ask what they mean for the HE sector as a whole.

    Figure 1 illustrates the way in which the ratings of quality across our sector might change, should the current proposals be implemented. This first forecast is based upon the OfS’s proposal that overall provider ratings will be defined by the lowest of their two aspect ratings, and shows the profile of overall ratings in 2023 had this methodology been applied then.

    There are some important points to note regarding our methodology for generating this forecast. First, as we mentioned above, OfS has indicated an intention to base a provider’s overall rating on the lowest of the two assessed aspects: Student Experience and Student Outcomes. In TEF 2023, providers with mixed aspects, such as Bronze for one and Silver for another, may still have been judged as Silver overall, based on the TEF panel’s overall assessment of the evidence submitted. Under the new framework, this would not be possible, and such a provider would be rated Bronze by default. In addition, we are of course assuming that there has been no shift in metrics across the sector since the last TEF, and so these figures need to be taken as indicative and not definitive.

    Figure 1: Comparison of predicted future TEF outcomes compared with TEF 2023 actual outcomes

    There are two startling points to highlight:

    • The effect of this proposed TEF reform is to drive a downward shift in the apparent quality of English higher education, with a halving of the number of providers rated as Outstanding/Gold, and almost six times the number of providers rated as Requires Improvement.
    • The combined number of Bronze and Requires Improvement Providers would increase from 50 to 89. Taken together with the proposal to reframe Bronze as being of insufficient quality, OfS could be subjecting nearly 40 per cent of the sector to special regulatory measures.

    In short, the current proposals risk serious destabilisation of our sector, and we argue could end up making the very concept of quality in education less, not more, clear for students.

    Analysis by provider type

    Further analysis of this shift reveals that these changes would have an impact across all types of provider. Figures 2a and 2b show the distribution of TEF ratings for the 2023 and projected future TEF exercises, where we see high, medium and low tariff providers, as well as specialist institutions, equally impacted. For the 23 high tariff providers in particular, the changes would see four providers fall into the enhanced regulatory space of Bronze ratings, whereas none were rated less than Silver in the previous exercise. For specialist providers, of the current 42 with 2023 TEF ratings, five would be judged as Requires Improvement, whereas none received this rating in 2023.

    Figure 2a: Distribution of TEF 2023 ratings by provider type

    Figure 2b: Predicted distribution of future TEF ratings by provider type

    Such radical movement in OfS’s overall perception of quality in the sector requires explanation. Either the regulator believes that the current set of TEF ratings were overly generous and the sector is in far worse health than we have assumed (and, indeed, than we have been advising students via current TEF ratings), or else the very nature of what is considered to be high quality education has shifted so significantly that the way we rate providers requires fundamental reform. While the former seems very unlikely, the latter requires a far more robust explanation than has been provided in the current consultation.

    We choose to assume that OfS does not, in fact, believe that the quality of education in English HE has fallen off a cliff edge since 2023, and also that it is not intentionally seeking to radically redefine the concept of high quality education. Rather, in pursuit of a regulatory framework that does carry with it material consequences for failing to meet a robust set of minimum standards, we suggest that perhaps the current proposals have missed an opportunity to make more radical changes to the TEF rating system itself.

    We believe there is another approach that would help the OfS to deliver its intended aim, without destabilising the entire sector and triggering what would appear to be an unmanageable volume of regulatory interventions levelled at nearly 40 per cent of providers.

    Benchmarks, thresholds, and quality

    In all previous iterations of TEF, OfS has made clear that both metrics and wider evidence brought forward in provider and student submissions are key to arriving at judgements of student experience and outcomes. However, the use of metrics has very much been at the heart of the framework.

    Specifically, the OfS has gone to great lengths to provide metrics that allow providers to see how they perform against benchmarks that are tailored to their specific student cohorts. These benchmarks sit alongside the B3 minimum thresholds for key metrics, which OfS expects all providers to achieve. For the most part, providers eligible to enter TEF would have all metrics sitting above these thresholds, leaving the judgement of Gold, Silver and Bronze as a matter of the distance from the provider’s own benchmark.

    The methodology employed in TEF has also been quite simple to understand at a conceptual level:

    • A provider with metrics consistently 2.5 per cent or more above benchmark might be rated as Gold/Outstanding;
    • A provider whose metrics are consistently within ±2.5 per cent of their benchmarks, would be likely assessed as Silver/Very High Quality;
    • Providers who are consistently 2.5 per cent or more below their benchmark would be Bronze/High Quality or Requires Improvement.

    There is no stated numerical threshold that is consistent with the boundary between Bronze and Requires Improvement – a matter of holistic panel judgement, including but not limited to how far beyond -2.5 per cent of benchmark a provider’s data sits.

    It is worth noting here that in the current TEF, Bronze ratings (somewhat confusingly) could only be conferred for providers who could also demonstrate some elements of Silver/Very High Quality provision. Under the new TEF proposals, this requirement would be dropped.

    The challenge we see here is with the definition of Bronze being >2.5 per cent below benchmark; the issue is best illustrated with an example of two hypothetical Bronze providers:

    Let’s assume both Provider A and B have received a Bronze rating in TEF, because their metrics were consistently more than 2.5 per cent below benchmark, and their written submissions and context did not provide any basis on which a higher rating ought to be awarded. For simplicity, let’s pick a single metric, progression into graduate employment, and assume that the benchmark for these two providers happens to be the same, at 78 per cent.

    In this example, Provider A obtained its Bronze rating with a progression figure of 75 per cent, which is 3 per cent below its benchmark. Provider B, on the other hand, had a Progression figure of 63 per cent. While this is a full 12 percentage points worse than Provider A, it is nonetheless still 2 per cent above the minimum threshold specified by OfS, which is 60 per cent, and so it was not rated as Requires Improvement.

    Considering this example, it seems reasonable to conclude that Provider A is doing a far better job of supporting a comparable cohort of students into graduate employment than Provider B, but under the new TEF proposals, both are judged as being Bronze, and would be subject to the same regulatory penalties proposed in the consultation. From a prospective student’s perspective, it is hard to see what value these ratings would carry, given they conceal very large differences in the actual performance of the providers.

    On the assumption that the Requires Improvement category would be retained for providers with more serious challenges – such as being below minimum thresholds in several areas – the obvious problem is that Bronze as a category in the current proposal is simply being stretched so far, it will lose any useful meaning. In short, the new Bronze category is too blunt a tool.

    An alternative – meet Meets Minimum Requirements

    As a practical solution, we recommend that OfS considers a fifth category, sitting between Bronze and Requires Improvement: a category of Meets Minimum Requirements.

    This approach would have two advantages. First, it would allow the continued use of Bronze, Silver and Gold in such a way that the terms retain their commonly understood meanings; a Bronze award, in common parlance, is not a mark of failure. Second, it would allow OfS to distinguish providers who, while below our benchmark for Very High Quality, are still within a reasonable distance of their benchmark such that a judgement of High Quality remains appropriate, from those whose gap to benchmark is striking and could indicate a case for regulatory intervention.

    The judgement of Meets Minimum Requirements would mean the provider’s outcomes do not fall below the absolute minimum thresholds set by the regulator, but equally are too far from their benchmark to be awarded a quality kitemark of at least a Bronze TEF rating. The new category would reasonably be subject to increased regulatory surveillance, given the borderline risk of thus rated providers failing to meet minimum standards in future.

    We argue that such a model would be far more meaningful to students and other stakeholders. TEF ratings of Bronze, Silver and Gold would continue to represent an active recognition of High, Very High, and Outstanding quality, respectively. In addition, providers meeting minimum requirements (but not having earned a quality kitemark in the form of a TEF award) would be distinguishable from providers who would be subject to active intervention from the regulator, due to falling below the absolute minimum standards.

    It would be a matter for government to consider whether providers deemed to be meeting minimum requirements should receive inflation-linked uplifts in fees, and should be permitted to grow; indeed, one constructive use of the increased grading nuance we propose here could be that providers who meet minimum requirements are subject to student number caps until they can demonstrate capability to grow safely by improving to the point of earning at least a Bronze TEF award. Such a measure would seem proportionately protective of the student interest, while still differentiating those providers from providers who are actively breaching their conditions of registration and would be subject to direct regulatory intervention.

    Modelling the impact

    To model how this proposed approach might impact overall outcomes in a future TEF, we have, in the exercise that follows, used TEF 2023 dashboard data and retained the statistical definitions of Gold (>2.5 per cent above benchmark) and Silver (±2.5% of benchmark) from the current TEF. We have modelled a proposed definition of Bronze as between 2.5-5 per cent below benchmark. Providers who Meet Minimum Requirements are defined as being within 5-10 per cent below benchmark, and Requires Improvement reflects metrics >10 per cent below benchmark.

    For the sake of simplicity, we have taken the average distance from benchmark for all Student Experience and Student Outcomes metrics for each provider to categorise providers for each Aspect Rating. The outcome of our analysis is shown in Table A, and is contrasted in Table B with an equivalent analysis under OfS’s current proposals to redefine a four-category framework.

    Table A. Distribution of aspect ratings according to a five-category TEF framework

    Table B. Distribution of aspect ratings according to OfS’s proposed four-category TEF framework

    Following OfS’s proposal that a provider would be given an overall rating that reflects the lowest rating of the two aspects, our approach leads to a total of 32 providers falling into the Meets Minimum Requirements and Requires Improvement categories. This represents 14 per cent of providers, which is substantially fewer than the 39 per cent of providers who would be considered as not meeting high quality expectations under the current OfS proposals. It is also far closer to the 22 per cent of providers who were rated Bronze or Requires Improvement in TEF 2023.

    We believe that our approach represents a far more valid and meaningful framework for assessing quality in the sector, while OfS’ current proposals risk sending a problematic message that, since 2023, quality across the sector has inexplicably and catastrophically declined. Adding granularity to the ratings system in this way will help OfS to focus its regulatory surveillance where it will likely be the most useful in targeting provision that is of potentially low quality.

    Figure 4, below, illustrates the distribution of potential TEF outcomes based on OfS’s four category rating framework, contrasted with our proposed five categories. It is important to note that this modelling is based purely on metrics and benchmarks, and does not incorporate the final judgement of TEF panels, based on the narrative submissions providers submit.

    This is particularly important because previous analysis has shown that many providers with metrics that were not significantly above benchmark, or not significantly at benchmark, were nonetheless awarded Gold or Silver ratings, respectively, and this would have been based on robust narrative submissions and other evidence submitted by providers. Equally, some providers with data that was broadly in line with benchmark were awarded Bronze ratings overall, as the further evidence submitted in the narrative statements failed to convince the panel of an overall picture of very high quality.

    Figure 4: Predicted profile of provider ratings in a four- and five-category framework

    The benefits of a five-category approach

    First, the concept of a TEF award in the form of a Gold, Silver or Bronze rating retains its meaning for students and other stakeholders. Any of these three awards reflect something positive about a provider delivering beyond what we minimally expect.

    Second, the pool of providers potentially falling into categories that would prompt enhanced scrutiny and potential regulatory intervention/governmental restrictions would drop to a level that would be a much fairer reflection of the actual quality of our sector. We simply do not believe it to be the case that anyone can be convinced that as much as 40 per cent of our sector is not of sufficiently high quality.

    Third, referencing the socio-economic diversity data by 2023 TEF award in Tables 1 and 2, and the future TEF outcomes modelling in Figure 1, our proposal significantly reduces the risk that students who were previously eligible for free school meals (who form strong proportions of the cohorts of Bronze-rated providers) would be further disadvantaged by their HE environment being impoverished via fee freezes and student number caps. We argue that such potential measures should be reserved for the Requires Improvement, and, plausibly, Meets Minimum Requirements categories.

    Fourth, by expanding the range of categories, OfS would be able to distinguish to between providers who are in fact meeting minimum expectations, but not delivering quality in experience or outcomes which would allow them to benefit from some of the freedoms proposed to be associated with TEF awards, and providers who are, in at least one of these areas, failing to meet even those minimum expectations.

    To recap, the key features of our proposal are as follows:

    • Retain Bronze, Silver and Gold in the TEF as ratings that reflect a positive judgement of High, Very High, and Outstanding quality, respectively.
    • Introduce a new rating – Meets Minimum Requirements – that recognises providers who are delivering student experience and outcomes that are above regulatory minimum thresholds, but are too far from benchmarks to justify an active quality award in TEF. This category would be subject to increased OfS surveillance, given the borderline risk of provision falling below minimum standards in future.
    • Retain Requires Improvement as a category that indicates a strong likelihood that regulatory intervention is required to address more serious performance issues.
    • Continue to recognise Bronze ratings as a mark of High Quality, and position the threshold for additional regulatory restrictions or intervention such that these would apply only to providers rated as Meets Minimum Requirements or Requires Improvement.

    Implementing this modest adaptation to the current TEF proposals would safeguard the deserved reputation of UK higher education for high-quality provision, while meeting the demand for a clear plan to secure improvements to quality and tackle pockets of poor quality.

    The deadline for responding to OfS’ consultation on TEF and the integrated approach to quality is Thursday 11 December. 

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  • What research says about Mamdani and Cuomo’s education proposals

    What research says about Mamdani and Cuomo’s education proposals

    by Jill Barshay, The Hechinger Report
    November 3, 2025

    New York City, where I live, will elect a new mayor Tuesday, Nov. 4. The two front runners — state lawmaker Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee, and former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, running as an independent — have largely ignored the city’s biggest single budget item: education. 

    One exception has been gifted education, which has generated a sharp debate between the two candidates. The controversy is over a tiny fraction of the student population. Only 18,000 students are in the city’s gifted and talented program out of more than 900,000 public school students. (Another 20,000 students attend the city’s elite exam-entrance high schools.) 

    But New Yorkers are understandably passionate about getting their kids into these “gated” classrooms, which have some of the best teachers in the city. Meanwhile, the racial composition of these separate (some say segregated) classes — disproportionately white and Asian — is shameful. Even many advocates of gifted education recognize that reform is needed. 

    Related: Our free weekly newsletter alerts you to what research says about schools and classrooms.

    Mamdani wants to end gifted programs for kindergarteners and wait until third grade to identify advanced students. Cuomo wants to expand gifted education and open up more seats for more children. 

    The primary justification for gifted programs is that some children learn so quickly that they need separate classrooms to progress at an accelerated pace. 

    But studies have found that students in gifted classrooms are not learning faster than their general education peers. And analyses of curricula show that many gifted classes don’t actually teach more advanced material; they simply group mostly white and Asian students together without raising academic rigor.

    In my reporting, I have found that researchers question whether we can accurately spot giftedness in 4- or 5-year-olds. My colleague Sarah Carr recently wrote about the many methods that have been used to try to identify young children with high potential, and how the science underpinning them is shaky. In addition, true giftedness is often domain-specific — a child might be advanced in math but not in reading, or vice versa — yet New York City’s system labels or excludes children globally rather than by subject. 

    Because of New York City’s size — it’s the nation’s largest public school system, even larger than 30 states — what happens here matters.

    Policy implications

    • Delaying identification until later grades, when cognitive profiles are clearer, could improve accuracy in picking students. 
    • Reforming the curriculum to make sure that gifted classes are truly advanced would make it easier to justify having them. 
    • Educators could consider ways for children to accelerate in a single subject — perhaps by moving up a grade in math or English classes. 
    • How to desegregate these classrooms, and make their racial/ethnic composition less lopsided, remains elusive.

    I’ve covered these questions before. Read my columns on gifted education:

    Size isn’t everything

    Another important issue in this election is class size. Under a 2022 state law, New York City must reduce class sizes to no more than 20 students in grades K-3 by 2028. (The cap will be 23 students per class in grades 4-8 and 25 students per class in high school.) To meet that mandate, the city will need to hire an estimated 18,000 new teachers.

    During the campaign, Mamdani said he would subsidize teacher training, offering tuition aid in exchange for a three-year commitment to teach in the city’s public schools. The idea isn’t unreasonable, but it’s modest — only $12 million a year, expected to produce about 1,000 additional teachers annually. That’s a small fraction of what’s needed.

    The bigger problem may be the law itself: Schools lack both physical space and enough qualified teachers. What parents want — small classes led by excellent, experienced educators — isn’t something the city can scale quickly. Hiring thousands of novices may not improve learning much, and will make the job of school principal, who must make all these hires, even harder.

    For more on the research behind class-size reductions, see my earlier columns:

    Contact staff writer Jill Barshay at 212-678-3595, jillbarshay.35 on Signal, or [email protected].

    This story about education issues in the New York City mayoral election was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Proof Points and other Hechinger newsletters.

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  • Policy Proposals Lack Clarity About How to Evaluate Graduates’ Additional Degrees

    Policy Proposals Lack Clarity About How to Evaluate Graduates’ Additional Degrees

    Title: Accounting for Additional Credentials in Postsecondary Earnings Data

    Authors: Jason Delisle, Jason Cohn, and Bryan Cook

    Source: The Urban Institute

    As policymakers across both parties consider how to evaluate postsecondary outcomes and earnings data, the authors of a new brief from the Urban Institute pose a major question: How should students who earn multiple credentials be included in data collection for the college that awarded their first degree?

    For example, should the earnings of a master’s degree recipient be included in the data for the institution where they earned their bachelor’s degree? Additionally, students who finish an associate degree at a community college are likely to earn higher wages when they complete a bachelor’s degree at another institution. Thus, multiple perspectives need to be considered to help both policymakers and institutions understand, interpret, and treat additional degrees earned.

    Additional key findings include:

    Earnings Data and Accountability Policies

    Many legislative proposals would expand the use of earnings data to provide further accountability and federal aid restrictions. For example, the House Republicans’ College Cost Reduction Act, proposed in 2024, would put institutions at risk of losing funding if they have low student loan repayment rates. The brief’s authors state that the bill does not indicate if students who earn additional credentials should be included in the cohort of students where they completed their first credential.

    The recently implemented gainful employment rule from the Biden administration is explicit in its inclusion of those who earn additional credentials. Under the rule, students who earn an additional degree are included in both calculations for their recent degree and the program that awarded their first credential.

    How Much Do Additional Credential Affect Earnings Data?

    Determining how much additional credentials affect wages and earnings for different programs is difficult. The first earnings measurement—the first year after students leave school—is usually too early to include additional income information from a second credential.

    Although the entire data picture is lacking, a contrast between first- and fifth-year earnings suggests that the number of students earning additional degrees may be very high for some programs. As an example, students who earn associate degrees in liberal arts and general studies often have some of their quickest increases in earnings during these first five years. A potential explanation is because students are then completing a bachelor’s degree program at a four-year institution.

    Policy Implications: How Should Earnings Data Approach Subsequent Credentials?

    In general, it seems that many policymakers have not focused on this complicated question of students who earn additional degrees. However, policy and data professionals may benefit from excluding students who earn additional credentials to more closely measure programs’ return on investment. This can be especially helpful when examining the costs of bachelor’s programs and their subsequent earnings benchmarks, by excluding additional earnings premiums generated from master’s programs.

    Additionally, excluding students who earn additional credentials may be particularly valuable to students in making consumer and financial aid decisions if the payoff from a degree is extremely different depending on whether students pursue an additional credential.

    However, some programs are intended to prepare students for an additional degree, and excluding data for students who earn another degree would mean excluding most graduates and paint a misleading picture.

    To read the full report from the Urban Institute, click here.

    —Austin Freeman


    If you have any questions or comments about this blog post, please contact us.

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  • FIRE statement on legislative proposals to regulate artificial intelligence

    FIRE statement on legislative proposals to regulate artificial intelligence

    As the 2025 legislative calendar begins, FIRE is preparing for lawmakers at both the state and federal levels to introduce a deluge of bills targeting artificial intelligence. 

    The First Amendment applies to artificial intelligence just as it does to other expressive technologies. Like the printing press, the camera, and the internet, AI can be used as an expressive tool — a technological advance that helps us communicate with one another and generate knowledge. As FIRE Executive Vice President Nico Perrino argued in The Los Angeles Times last month: “The Constitution shouldn’t be rewritten for every new communications technology.” 

    We again remind legislators that existing laws — cabined by the narrow, well-defined exceptions to the First Amendment’s broad protection — already address the vast majority of harms legislatures may seek to counter in the coming year. Laws prohibiting fraud, forgery, discrimination, and defamation, for example, apply regardless of how the unlawful activity is ultimately carried out. Liability for unlawful acts properly falls on the perpetrator of those acts, not the informational or communicative tools they use. 

    Some legislative initiatives seeking to govern the use of AI raise familiar First Amendment problems. For example, regulatory proposals that would require “watermarks” on artwork created by AI or mandate disclaimers on content generated by AI violate the First Amendment by compelling speech. FIRE has argued against these kinds of efforts to regulate the use of AI, and we will continue to do so — just as we have fought against government attempts to compel speech in school, on campus, or online

    Rather than compelling disclaimers or imposing content-based restrictions on AI-generated expression, legislators should remember the law already protects against defamation, fraud, and other illegal conduct. 

    Lawmakers have also sought to regulate or even criminalize the use of AI-generated content in election-related communications. But courts have been wary of legislative attempts to control AI’s output when political speech is implicated. Following a First Amendment challenge from a satirist who uses AI to generate parodies of political figures, for example, a federal district court recently enjoined a California statute aimed at “deepfakes” that regulated “materially deceptive” election-related content. 

    Content-based restrictions like California’s law require strict judicial scrutiny, no matter how the expression is created. As the federal court noted, the constitutional protections “safeguarding the people’s right to criticize government and government officials apply even in the new technological age when media may be digitally altered.” So while lawmakers might harbor “a well-founded fear of a digitally manipulated media landscape,” the court explained, “this fear does not give legislators unbridled license to bulldoze over the longstanding tradition of critique, parody, and satire protected by the First Amendment.” 

    Artificial intelligence, free speech, and the First Amendment

    Issue Pages

    FIRE offers an analysis of frequently asked questions about artificial intelligence and its possible implications for free speech and the First Amendment.


    Read More

    Other legislative proposals threaten the First Amendment by imposing burdens directly on the developers of AI models. In the coming months, for example, Texas lawmakers will consider the Texas Responsible Artificial Intelligence Governance Act, or TRAIGA, a sweeping bill that would impose liability on developers, distributors, and deployers of AI systems that may introduce a risk of “algorithmic discrimination,” including by private actors. The bill vests broad regulatory authority in a newly created state “Artificial Intelligence Council” and imposes steep compliance costs. TRAIGA compels developers to publish regular risk reports, a requirement that will raise First Amendment concerns when applied to an AI model’s expressive output or the use of AI as a tool to facilitate protected expression. Last year, a federal court held a similar reporting requirement imposed on social media platforms was likely unconstitutional.

    TRAIGA’s provisions incentivize AI developers to handicap their models to avoid any possibility of offering recommendations that some might deem discriminatory or simply offensive — even if doing so curtails the models’ usefulness or capabilities. Addressing unlawful discrimination is an important legislative aim, and lawmakers are obligated to ensure we all benefit from the equal protection of the law. At the same time, our decades of work defending student and faculty rights has left FIRE all too familiar with the chilling effect on speech that results from expansive or arbitrary interpretations of anti-discrimination law on campus. We will oppose poorly crafted legislative efforts that would functionally build the same chill into artificial intelligence systems.

    The sprawling reach of legislative proposals like TRAIGA run headlong into the expressive rights of the people building and using AI models. Rather than compelling disclaimers or imposing content-based restrictions on AI-generated expression, legislators should remember the law already protects against defamation, fraud, and other illegal conduct. And rather than preemptively saddling developers with broad liability for an AI model’s possible output, lawmakers must instead examine the recourse existing laws already provide victims of discrimination against those who would use AI — or any other communicative tool — to unlawful ends.

    FIRE will have more to say on the First Amendment threats presented by legislative proposals regarding AI in the weeks and months to come.

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  • Congress and Federal Agencies Consider Paid-Leave Proposals and Protections for Pregnant and Nursing Workers – CUPA-HR

    Congress and Federal Agencies Consider Paid-Leave Proposals and Protections for Pregnant and Nursing Workers – CUPA-HR

    by CUPA-HR | May 24, 2023

    Over the past year, lawmakers have taken an increased interest in establishing and expanding upon benefits and protections for paid leave and pregnant workers. As a result, Congress passed two bills granting workplace protections to pregnant and nursing mothers at the end of 2022, while  considering new federal proposals for paid family and medical leave. This post details some of the recent actions taken by lawmakers toward a federal paid-leave policy, as well as updates from federal agencies on the enforcement of the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act (PWFA) and the Providing Urgent Maternal Protections (PUMP) for Nursing Mothers Act.

    Bipartisan Working Group on Paid Leave

    In April, a group of bipartisan lawmakers in the House of Representatives established the Bipartisan Paid Family Leave Working Group, the goal of which “is to create a bipartisan paid family leave policy that supports American families and businesses.” The group consists of three Republicans — Reps. Stephanie Bice (R-OK), Julia Letlow (R-LA) and Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R-IA) — and three Democrats — Reps. Chrissy Houlahan (D-PA), Colin Allred (D-TX) and Haley Stevens (D-MI).

    In a letter establishing the working group, the lawmakers expressed their intention to explore both state and federal policies that already exist with the goal of creating an established paid-leave policy. The letter discusses both the successes and areas to improve of the Family and Medical Leave Act, and it states that there is a bipartisan consensus that paid leave is an issue that needs to become law.

    FAMILY Act

    On May 17, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) and Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT) reintroduced the FAMILY Act, which would grant up to 12 weeks of paid leave for employees at companies of all sizes through funds collected by payroll taxes paid by both employees and employers. The FAMILY Act was first introduced in 2013, but the most recent bill expands upon previous text by creating a progressive scale for wage replacement during the time off. Under the bill, the lowest paid workers would be eligible to receive up to 85 percent of their wages during their time off, while the average full-time worker would receive approximately two-thirds of their wages. Additionally, the bill extends coverage to include time off taken to address personal incidents with domestic violence, stalking and/or sexual assault.

    While most Democrats have championed the FAMILY Act as their preferred proposal for paid leave, the bill is unlikely to gain Republican support and will therefore not pass the House during this Congress. Republicans have previously opposed the bill, arguing against the proposed tax increases as well as potential burdens employers may face as a result of a paid-leave mandate. Instead, Republicans who have shown interest in advancing paid-leave policies have considered programs allowing individuals to borrow from their Social Security funds, incentivizing the creation of a private insurance system for leave pay, and providing tax credits to pay for time off.

    PUMP for Nursing Mothers Act

    On May 18, the Department of Labor Wage and Hour Division (WHD) issued a Field Assistance Bulletin (FAB) with enforcement information and public guidance for the PUMP for Nursing Mothers Act. The law went into effect on April 28, after being included in the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2023 year-end legislation to fund the federal government.

    As a reminder, the PUMP for Nursing Mothers Act amends the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) to expand access to breastfeeding accommodations in the workplace for lactating employees and builds on existing protections in the 2010 Break Time for Nursing Mothers Provision by broadening breastfeeding accommodations and workplace protections. Specifically, the bill ensures reasonable time and space for working individuals to pump in their workplaces as well as remedies for employer violations of the act.

    The FAB provides details on the requirements for reasonable space and break time, compensation, and employer posting of FLSA requirements as provided under the PUMP for Nursing Mothers Act. Employers and field staff alike may use the FAB document as a resource to understand compliance with the act as enforced by WHD.

    Pregnant Workers Fairness Act

    Alongside the PUMP for Nursing Mothers Act, the PWFA was also signed into law under the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2023. The effective date of the PWFA is June 27, and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) was expected to issue proposed regulations on how best to govern and enforce the PWFA by then.

    As of May, however, the EEOC has yet to release any proposed regulations, and it seems likely that the agency will not be able to issue a proposed rule by the June 27 date. The commission currently has two Democratic and two Republican commissioners, and given the need for a majority of commissioners to vote to advance a rulemaking, the agency is unable to move proposed rules forward because commissioners are split along party lines. Through the legislation, Congress has allowed the EEOC through the end of 2023 to finalize a rulemaking on the PWFA, which may or may not be achieved,  depending on whether the Senate is able to confirm Kalpana Kotagal as the third Democratic appointee on the commission. In lieu of the proposed rulemaking, the EEOC has issued guidance on the law through an FAQ webpage addressing the protections granted under the law, which stakeholders may use as they wait for the official regulations.

    CUPA-HR continues to monitor any developments related to these proposals and laws and will keep members apprised of any policy updates related to paid leave and protections for pregnant and nursing workers.



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