Tag: raise

  • Thirty ways for DfE to deliver the manifesto and raise the standards of teaching

    Thirty ways for DfE to deliver the manifesto and raise the standards of teaching

    At some point we might get some actual higher education policy out of the Department for Education (DfE), rather then endless crackdowns on the “long tail” of the market.

    There’s rumours of a (next) TEF delay which we might assume ministers will take an interest in, and a signature manifesto commitment on “raising the standards of teaching” to deliver.

    It all raises the question – what should Labour’s agenda on teaching be? How might it realise it? What levers will it pull?

    Of course it’s the case that whatever the agenda, there’s a need for the right funding systems (for both students and providers) and regulatory architecture – and those will always dominate the discussion.

    But you’d like to think there were other things, too.

    Reinstate the QAA as the Designated Quality Body for England

    A nice and easy start – DfE should issue ministerial guidance directing the Office for Students (OfS) to re-designate the QAA as the primary quality assurance body. The QAA has long maintained international credibility and alignment with European standards – something England has steadily drifted away from since Brexit.

    It’s not just a technical concern – it threatens the international recognition of English qualifications at precisely the moment when global educational mobility is increasing. OfS has tried to go it alone on quality – the experiment has failed. No shame in admitting it.

    Re-establish periodic review and enhancement expectations

    DfE should direct OfS to develop requirements for periodic review through regulatory guidance, with funding for QAA to develop a new enhancement framework appropriate for England’s context.

    One of the quietest casualties of England’s regulatory experiment has been the loss of enhancement culture. Where periodic review encouraged reflection and improvement, the pendulum has swung decisively toward compliance and risk-management. England now lags behind Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, where enhancement remains central to quality regimes. We now have a sector where teaching innovation happens despite, not because of, the regulatory framework. It could be different.

    Scrap the current TEF and implement subject-level TEF based solely on metrics

    First, abolish continuation as a metric that somehow represents “teaching quality”. We’re so good at it internationally that it’s starting to look like kidnapping, and seriously harms the sort of flexibility envisaged in the LLE or required from our breathtaking levels of decision regret.

    Then DfE should issue guidance to OfS to develop a revised, metrics-based TEF framework operating at subject level. As currently constituted, the TEF neither drives genuine improvement nor provides meaningful information to prospective students. A subject-level TEF grounded in robust metrics would offer more granular insights while slashing the cost and reducing the burden of institutional storytelling that has become the hallmark of the current approach.

    And it would prevent what is likely to be a key “misleading practice” issue under the DMCC act – a “TEF Gold” banner appearing over the door of a faculty whose metrics would suggest a requires improvement rating.

    Regulation for the struggling, enhancement for the thriving

    A simple distinction should be made in the approach to quality. For provision failing to meet minimum standards (below B3 thresholds), robust regulatory intervention through OfS remains appropriate. More boots on the ground if anything. However, for provision meeting or exceeding these standards, we need to shift from compliance-checking to enhancement-driven approaches led by the QAA.

    In other words, let OfS carry on its inspections against minimums when its thresholds aren’t met at subject, provider or subcontractual status level, and let quality assurance and enhancement via the QAA sit alongside it for everyone and everything else. Neat.

    Require publication of external examiner reports

    External examining is one of the oldest, most trusted mechanisms for maintaining academic standards in the UK and causing collaboration between universities – but it has become increasingly invisible. Reports are buried in back-office systems, rarely seen by students, and seldom discussed publicly.

    DfE should ask OfS to require the publication of external examiner reports, ideally with departmental responses. Visibility would encourage honest, critical engagement with standards, and bring students into the conversation about academic quality. After all, if someone outside the course is checking the quality, why shouldn’t those taking it see what they say?

    Establish targets and metrics for staff teaching training

    Universities are packed with subject experts, but expertise in a field doesn’t automatically translate to expertise in teaching it. The uneven distribution of pedagogical training and teaching qualifications means students experience wildly different teaching quality depending on their course, their institution, and sometimes just luck of the draw.

    OfS should be asked to introduce and publish metrics on staff development, making it clear which institutions invest in teaching capacity. Yes – an input measure! One that students actually want.

    Require compulsory module evaluations with visible results for loan-funded modules

    Every module of credit that accrues a loan charge should be accompanied by a compulsory evaluation, with results that students can see – including action taken in response to previous feedback. A “comply-or-explain” expectation would transform the granularity of information available to students making module choices under the Lifelong Loan Entitlement, and improve teaching. DfE should ask OfS to apply one.

    If students are paying for it (and increasingly borrowing for it), they deserve to know what they’re getting. Student reps can then work with the data and work with departments on problem-solving instead of being asked to supply feedback themselves.

    Reduce the number of subject benchmark statements

    The current proliferation of subject benchmark statements has created a rigid and prescriptive framework that stifles innovation and interdisciplinarity. If they were reduced and broadened, there would be more space for flexible curriculum design that responds to emerging fields and changing student needs. That’s about defining quality and standards in ways that encourage creativity and adaptation – rather than compliance and conformity. The EU is hurtling in this direction anyway – would be nice to… align at least. That should go in the ministerial direction letter too.

    Convene a partnership between NUS and SUs for national student-led teaching awards

    Student-led teaching awards have become an important feature at most universities, celebrating innovative and impactful teaching practice. But their impact remains localised, with limited opportunities to identify and share learning across the sector.

    A national event via a DfE-convened partnership would elevate the student voice in defining teaching excellence, create powerful incentives for innovation, be a good PR opportunity for the sector and the department, and offer a rich source of data on what works for students. It could even be held in 20 Great Smith St to drive down the cost.

    Direct OfS to mine NSS free text responses for insights

    The quantitative metrics of the National Student Survey tell only part of the story, and OfS is sat on a couple of decades of hidden intel – free text comments contain rich insights into student experiences that are currently underutilised.

    With appropriate anonymisation and ethical safeguards, comments could identify emerging concerns, highlight innovative practice, and provide a more nuanced understanding on good teaching that numbers alone cannot capture. Another one for the letter.

    Establish a clear definition of learning gain

    Despite extensive discussion about “learning gain,” there’s no clear consensus on how to define, measure, or evaluate it. The ambiguity undermines meaningful comparison and improvement – so establishing a clear, shared definition, focused not just on knowledge acquisition but on skill development, mindset shifts, and capability building means we’ll get a meaningful framework for universities to then further define for assessing educational value and building degree transcripts. “Dear Susan and Edward, we expect…”

    Establish a regulatory domain focused on “learning environment”

    Currently, various aspects of the learning environment – mental health support, physical spaces, digital infrastructure, library resources – are regulated through bafflingly disconnected processes. The fragmentation creates bureaucratic burden – despite this stuff being essential underpinners of good teaching and learning.

    Asking OfS to establish “learning environment” as a distinct integrated regulatory domain (like it is in most other countries in Europe) would mean a rounded approach – recognising how these elements interact to shape student experiences and outcomes, and clocking that a lot of good learning is self-directed. It would also allow for more proportionate, context-sensitive regulation while maintaining a focus on student needs and concerns.

    Establish a TASO equivalent for teaching enhancement

    England needs its own equivalent to Scotland’s Quality Enhancement Framework – a body akin to TASO (Transforming Access and Student Outcomes) that can convene national conversations, fund pilots, and broker communities of practice around teaching improvement.

    Maybe QAA gets to do it, maybe Advance HE. Maybe someone else. But it’s needed nationally, probably at subject level, and should involve students drawn from academic societies. Can’t DfE convene something? It should CETL for nothing less.

    Push for associate membership of European University Alliances

    Brexit has left UK higher education increasingly isolated from European teaching networks, particularly the European Universities Initiative. They are building the future of cross-border education – shared degrees, joint quality standards, collaborative innovation – while England watches from the sidelines. DfE should push for associate membership of these initiatives to ensure English universities (and their student leaders) are plugged into the networks where the most exciting teaching innovations are emerging.

    Implement DfE approval for franchising arrangements based on qualitative criteria

    DfE should establish a dedicated unit with oversight powers for franchising approvals, with clear guidance on acceptable quality thresholds – as friends in FE somewhere in Great Smith St do. The proliferation of “business/cities” subcontracted provision has created regulatory blind spots where quality can quietly deteriorate – so DfE should hold approval rights for these arrangements based on demonstrable need, track record and quality assurance, not just market opportunity.

    Apply the OfS fairness condition universally across the sector

    DfE should instruct OfS to implement its proposed new fairness condition without exemptions through clear ministerial guidance, requiring equal application regardless of provider type or history. If we’re not careful, we’ll focus regulatory attention on newer providers while established institutions escape scrutiny.

    If a student at Oxford experiences the same poor practice as one at a small private provider, shouldn’t they have the same protections? Fairness cannot be conditional based on institutional prestige or history – either students have rights to good teaching, or they don’t. They do.

    Establish university-level ombuds and a duty to learn from complaints

    DfE should fund a pilot programme for university-level ombuds, followed by regulatory requirements through OfS. The duty to learn from complaints would be implemented through revised regulatory conditions requiring public reporting of complaint outcomes and resulting changes. University-level ombuds – independent officers with investigatory powers and public reporting requirements – could transform how institutions respond to student concerns.

    Rather than treating complaints as irritants to be managed, they would become valuable sources of insight for improvement. OfS should also establish a duty for universities to publicly report on what they’ve learned from complaints and appeals (both uphelds and others), and how practice has changed as a result.

    Require OfS to respond to the National Student Survey each year

    DfE should issue ministerial guidance requiring OfS to produce an annual NSS response document with clear action points – identifying trends, highlighting innovative approaches, and using the data to inform regulatory priorities. Students take the time to respond to the NSS. It’s time the regulator did too. As if students score assessment and feedback badly every year and nothing is done!

    Strengthening student rights and voice

    For all the rhetoric about students as partners, their voice in institutional decision-making remains precarious. The regulatory framework mentions consultation more than it meaningfully embeds representation. Many still treat student engagement as a box-ticking exercise rather than a fundamental right.

    OfS should be told to enshrine stronger rights for students to influence decisions, the curriculum, know their rights, seek redress, and access minimum support for their representative bodies. And every provider should be required to support effective independent student organising (ie SUs) and support for students – not as an optional extra, but as a core expectation given students’ textbook vulnerability.

    Establish “access to the loan book” criteria to drive credit transfer

    England’s student finance system remains one of the major obstacles to student mobility. If you switch institutions, change course, or build credits in non-traditional settings like the workplace, transferring that credit remains difficult and under-rewarded.

    Tying access to student loan funding to a provider’s willingness to recognise credit means DfE could incentivise the sector towards a more flexible future where students have genuine mobility between institutions and learning contexts. Yeah, I know Oxford and Cambridge and a slice of the Russell Group would object. They can probably afford to go exempt.

    Task OfS with monitoring subject/module availability and facilitating collaboration

    The regulator should be asked to monitor subject and module availability – not just full course provision – and be given a duty to drive collaboration across the sector where gaps emerge. Medr has by its minister already. When competition constricts provision, regulation must enable collaboration.

    This might mean funding shared provision between institutions, brokering inter-university module access, or investing in digital platforms that let students study beyond the borders of their enrolled provider. Quality needs choice, and choice has to be protected in the architecture of the system.

    Enshrine the right to build credit across multiple institutions

    What if we enshrined the right for students to accrue credit across multiple higher education institutions? And a domestic mobility scheme – akin to Erasmus, but within the UK – could support students spending terms or modules at other universities, either physically or virtually, learning lessons about excellent teaching along the way. Jacqui would have to have a conversation with Heidi Alexander over the train fares, but it would be great – and we’ve seen it work in several European countries now.

    Allow students to accrue credit through employment and service learning

    Not all “teaching” is done by “teachers”. All students – undergraduate and postgraduate – should have the right to accrue up to 10 ECTS credits per year in recognised learning outside their main subject area, via employment or service learning. For postgraduates, this could extend to 15 ECTS. Whether working in a hospital, mentoring in a school, or delivering a community project, students should gain formal credit for skills developed through real-world application.

    That would reframe how we think about employability – not just as abstract skills development, but as validation of the meaningful, real-world work many students already juggle alongside their studies. It would also encourage universities to connect more deeply with their communities, valuing not just what students learn in the university, but what they contribute through it. The LLE should really be focussed on delivering flexibility in what’s there now, not spending hours figuring out how to stop fraud over single modules.

    Require credit-bearing student induction and transition support

    Every institution should be told to offer structured, credit-bearing induction and transition support – developing core competencies in academic integrity, independent study, and navigating support systems – to ensure that all students, regardless of their educational background, have the tools they need to succeed.

    And while graduate attributes are mapped in fine detail, the early-stage student journey is largely ignored. An embedded framework that builds progressively – with assessment points and optional modules on civic leadership, digital fluency, and self-directed learning – would connect coherently to broader goals around credit mobility and skills development.

    Introduce credit-bearing interdisciplinary “civic lab” modules

    DfE should establish a dedicated civic engagement fund with partners in DCMS to support development and implementation, alongside regulatory expectations for civic engagement through the curriculum. Credit-bearing, interdisciplinary “civic lab” modules across all degree programmes would allow students to apply their disciplinary knowledge to real-world problems while developing transferable skills.

    Develop competency-based academic transcripts

    Revisit Burgess and announce the end of the UK degree classification system. It’s harmful twaddle. A competency-based academic transcript would provide a more helpful picture of graduate capabilities, detailing specific skills, contributions, and attributes developed through their studies.

    It would offer employers and postgraduate admissions tutors a more granular view of student achievement, and would encourage universities to think more broadly about the skills and attributes they’re developing through their teaching. The degree should be about what’s interesting about that graduate, not whether they’re in one of four impossibly broad categories. Just announce it. See what happens.

    Embed inquiry-based learning into teaching quality expectations

    DfE should direct OfS and QAA to develop clear guidance on inquiry-based approaches in teaching, backed by targeted enhancement funding for curriculum development and staff training.

    At its heart, that’s about moving beyond compliance-driven education to something more transformative. We should embed inquiry-based learning into teaching quality expectations, requiring that all students, in all disciplines, experience modules built around active investigation rather than passive content delivery. Module evaluations should track the extent to which learning creates independence, reflection, and curiosity – not just satisfaction scores.

    Communicate NSS standards to students from the outset

    Currently, the National Student Survey functions primarily as a retrospective judgment tool – students reflect on their experiences only after they’ve happened. But the questions within the NSS implicitly define standards for good teaching, assessment, and support.

    If these were made explicit from the outset, students could work collaboratively with academics throughout their courses to realise these standards, rather than just offering critiques after the fact. Doing so would transform the NSS from a retrospective satisfaction measure to a developmental framework that drives ongoing improvement through partnership between students and staff, and empower students to articulate their expectations clearly and engage in constructive dialogue throughout their studies. Pop it in the letter.

    Extend the National Student Survey to postgraduate students

    The experiences of postgraduate students remain considerably less visible than those of undergraduates. Yet these students make up a significant proportion of the higher education population and face distinct challenges around supervision, research support, and career development.

    Extending the NSS to postgraduate taught and research students – with questions appropriately tailored to their contexts – would shine a light on these experiences and drive improvement in areas that are currently under-scrutinised.

    Implement an all-applicant entry survey via UCAS

    Universities currently receive minimal information about their incoming cohorts’ learning needs, preferences, and educational backgrounds – and without that, how can the teaching ever be excellent? It makes it difficult to tailor provision effectively or identify potential support needs early. A universal entry survey, administered through UCAS, would provide invaluable data on learning styles, academic concerns, skills gaps, and support requirements.

    With appropriate data protection safeguards, this information could be shared with providers to inform course planning, induction programmes, and support services. It would also allow for more personalised approaches to teaching and learning, so students receive the support they need from day one rather than waiting for problems to emerge.

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  • ‘Turbulence’ and ‘confusion’: Groups raise alarm over Trump’s push to kill the Education Department

    ‘Turbulence’ and ‘confusion’: Groups raise alarm over Trump’s push to kill the Education Department

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    President Donald Trump and Republicans promised to shutter the U.S. Department of Education on the 2024 campaign trail, a goal of many conservatives going back decades. 

    The department — created by statute in 1979 — legally cannot be eliminated without congressional approval and a president’s signature. Such a move would have to pass the 60-vote threshold for overcoming a filibuster in the Senate, which could partly explain why past efforts to nix the department have not gotten far.

    But on Thursday, Trump threw the department’s fate into deep uncertainty after he signed an executive order directing U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon “to the maximum extent appropriate and permitted by law, take all necessary steps to facilitate the closure of the Department of Education and turn its authority over to states. 

    The order came just over a week after the department announced massive layoffs that cut its workforce in half.

    Thursday’s order provided for the “effective and uninterrupted delivery of [Education Department] services, programs, and benefits on which Americans rely,” but it offered few details on how the Trump administration plans to restructure or distribute the agency’s functions.

    Those include managing and distributing billions in Pell Grants and student loans every year, as well as enforcing civil rights laws related to education on college campuses, among other functions.

    A statement from McMahon similarly offered scant details on what the shuttering would mean in practical terms.

    “We’re going to follow the law and eliminate the bureaucracy responsibly by working through Congress to ensure a lawful and orderly transition,” McMahon said.

    On Friday, Trump told media that the Education Department’s management of student loans would be moved to the Small Business Administration. “That’s coming out of the Department of Education immediately,” he said. The announcement came as the SBA said it will cut 43% of its staff

    While much remains uncertain about the ultimate effects of Trump’s order, higher education groups panned the order and raised alarms over what Trump’s unilateral attempt to shutter the agency will mean for students and institutions.

    “This is political theater, not serious public policy,” American Council on Education President Ted Mitchell said in a statement Thursday. “To dismantle any cabinet-level federal agency requires congressional approval, and we urge lawmakers to reject misleading rhetoric in favor of what is in the best interests of students and their families.”

    Kara Freeman, president and CEO of the National Association of College and University Business Officers, said that Trump’s order “adds to the turbulence colleges and universities are experiencing and the uncertainty students and families are facing at this critical time in the academic year.”

    Freeman voiced concerns around key functions of the department, including federal student aid processing, aid to institutions and data tracking “that is so important to institutional decision-making.”

    “Most troubling is that these collective actions involving the department could cause enough confusion to discourage students and families from considering a path to college,” Freeman said. 

    Congressional Democrats were sharper in their criticism. In a letter to McMahon, Rep. Bobby Scott, ranking member of the House Committee on Education and Workforce, and Rep. Gerald Connolly, ranking member of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, described both the Thursday order and the Department’s mass layoffs as illegal moves to “usurp Congress’s authority.”

    Scott is leading an effort within the House to open an inquiry into the effort to dismantle the department. 

    He and Connolly also noted in their letter that the Trump administration’s efforts to shutter the agency run “counter to the will of the American people, the majority of whom oppose efforts to close the Department.”

    To their point, recent nationally representative surveys have found fairly wide support for the department. A March poll from Quinnipiac University found 60% of those surveyed opposed Trump’s plan to close the Education Department, while only 33% supported it. 

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  • Indiana First Lady to Raise Money for Dolly Parton’s Library Program – The 74

    Indiana First Lady to Raise Money for Dolly Parton’s Library Program – The 74


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    After slashing a popular reading program from the budget, Gov. Mike Braun said Friday he asked First Lady Maureen Braun to spearhead an initiative to keep Dolly Parton’s Imagination Library in Indiana.

    “She has agreed and she will work with philanthropic partners and in consultation with state leadership to identify funding opportunities for the book distribution program,” the governor said in a news release.

    The program gifts free, high quality, age-appropriate books to children from birth to age five on a monthly basis, regardless of family income.

    Former Gov. Eric Holcomb included a statewide expansion of the program in his 2023 legislative agenda. The General Assembly earmarked $6 million for the program in the state’s last biennial budget — $2 million in the first year and $4 million in the second — to ensure that all Hoosier kids qualify to receive free books.

    But when Gov. Braun prepared his budget proposal in January he discontinued the funding as part of an overall effort to rein in state spending.

    “I am honored to lead this work to help ensure our youngest Hoosiers have as much exposure as possible to books and learning,” said First Lady Maureen Braun. “Indiana has many strong community partners and I am confident we will collaborate on a solution that grows children’s love of reading.”

    Jeff Conyers, president of The Dollywood Foundation, said he appreciates Braun’s commitment to early childhood literacy.

    “The Imagination Library brings the joy of reading to over 125,000 Hoosier children each month in all 92 counties across the state, and we are encouraged by Governor and First Lady Braun’s support to ensure its future in Indiana. We look forward to working with the Governor and First Lady, state leaders, and Local Program Partners to keep books in the hands of Indiana’s youngest learners and strengthen this foundation for a lifetime of success,” he said.

    Indiana Capital Chronicle is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Indiana Capital Chronicle maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Niki Kelly for questions: info@indianacapitalchronicle.com.


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  • Wave of state-level AI bills raise First Amendment problems

    Wave of state-level AI bills raise First Amendment problems

    AI is enhancing our ability to communicate, much like the printing press and the internet did in the past. And lawmakers nationwide are rushing to regulate its use, introducing hundreds of bills in states across the country.  Unfortunately, many AI bills we’ve reviewed would violate the First Amendment — just as FIRE warned against last month. It’s worth repeating that First Amendment doctrine does not reset itself after each technological advance. It protects speech created or modified with artificial intelligence software just as it does to speech created without it.

    On the flip side, AI’s involvement doesn’t change the illegality of acts already forbidden by existing law. There are some narrow, well-defined categories of speech not protected by the First Amendment — such as fraud, defamation, and speech integral to criminal conduct — that states can and do already restrict. In that sense, the use of AI is already regulated, and policymakers should first look to enforcement of those existing laws to address their concerns with AI. Further restrictions on speech are both unnecessary and likely to face serious First Amendment problems, which I detail below.

    Constitutional background: Watermarking and other compelled disclosure of AI use

    We’re seeing a lot of AI legislation that would require a speaker to disclose their use of AI to generate or modify text, images, audio, or video. Generally, this includes requiring watermarks on images created with AI, mandating disclaimers in audio and video generated with AI, and forcing developers to add metadata to images created with their software. 

    Many of these bills violate the First Amendment by compelling speech. Government-compelled speech—whether that speech is an opinion, or fact, or even just metadata—is generally anathema to the First Amendment. That’s for good reason: Compelled speech undermines everyone’s right to conscience and fundamental autonomy to control their own expression.

    To illustrate: Last year, in X Corp. v. Bonta, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit  reviewed a California law that required social media companies to post and report information about their content moderation practices. FIRE filed an amicus curiae — “friend of the court” — brief in that case, arguing the posting and reporting requirements unconstitutionally compel social media companies to speak about topics on which they’d like to remain silent. The Ninth Circuit agreed, holding the law was likely unconstitutional. While acknowledging the state had an interest in providing transparency, the court reaffirmed that “even ‘undeniably admirable goals’ ‘must yield’ when they ‘collide with the . . . Constitution.’”

    There are (limited) exceptions to the principle that the state cannot compel speech. In some narrow circumstances, the government may compel the disclosure of information. For example, for speech that proposes a commercial transaction, the government may require disclosure of uncontroversial, purely factual information to prevent consumer deception. (For example, under this principle, the D.C. Circuit allowed federal regulators to require disclosure of country-of-origin information about meat products.) 

    But none of those recognized exceptions would permit the government to mandate blanket disclosure of AI-generated or modified speech. States seeking to require such disclosures will face heightened scrutiny beyond what is required for commercial speech.

    AI disclosure and watermarking bills

    This year, we’re also seeing lawmakers introduce many bills that require certain disclosures whenever speakers use AI to create or modify content, regardless of the nature of the content. These bills include Washington’s HB 1170, Massachusetts’s HD 1861, New York’s SB 934, and Texas’s SB 668.

    At a minimum, the First Amendment requires these kinds of regulations to be tailored to address a particular state interest. But these bills are not aimed at any specific problem at all, much less being tailored to it; instead, they require nearly all AI-generated media to bear a digital disclaimer. 

    For example, FIRE recently testified against Washington’s HB 1170, which requires covered providers of AI to include in any AI-generated images, videos, or audio a latent disclosure detectable by an AI detection tool that the bill also requires developers to offer.

    Of course, developers and users can choose to disclose their use of AI voluntarily. But bills like HB 1170 force disclosure in constitutionally suspect ways because they aren’t aimed at furthering any particular governmental interest and they burden a wide range of speech.

    Because no reliable technology exists to detect whether media has been produced by AI, candidates can easily weaponize these laws to challenge all campaign-related media that they simply do not like. 

    In fact, if the government’s goal is addressing fraud or other unlawful deception, there are ways these disclosures could make things worse. First, the disclosure requirement will taint the speech of non-malicious AI users by fostering the false impression that their speech is deceptive, even if it isn’t. Second, bad actors can and will find ways around the disclosure mandate — including using AI tools in other states or countries, or just creating photorealistic content through other means. False content produced by bad actors will then have a much greater imprimatur of legitimacy than it would in a world without the disclosures required by this bill, because people will assume that content lacking the mandated disclosure was not created with AI.

    Constitutional background: Categorical ‘deepfake’ regulations

    A handful of bills introduced this year seek to categorically ban “deepfakes.” In other words, these bills would make it unlawful to create or share AI-generated content depicting someone saying or doing something that the person did not in reality say or do.

    Categorical exceptions to the First Amendment exist, but these exceptions are few, narrow, and carefully defined. Take, for example, false or misleading speech. There is no general First Amendment exception for misinformation or disinformation or other false speech. Such an exception would be easily abused to suppress dissent and criticism.

    There are, however, narrow exceptions for deceptive speech that constitutes fraud, defamation, or appropriation. In the case of fraud, the government can impose liability on speakers who knowingly make factual misrepresentations to obtain money or some other material benefit. For defamation, the government can impose liability for false, derogatory speech made with the requisite intent to harm another’s reputation. For appropriation, the government can impose liability for using another person’s name or likeness without permission, for commercial purposes.

    Misinformation versus disinformation, explained

    Issue Pages

    Confusingly, the terms are used interchangeably. But they are different — and the distinction matters.


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    Like an email message or social media post, AI-generated content can fall under one of these categories of unprotected speech, but the Supreme Court has never recognized a categorical exception for creating photorealistic images or video of another person. Context always matters.

    Although some people will use AI tools to produce unlawful or unprotected speech, the Court has never permitted the government to institute a broad technological ban that would stifle protected speech on the grounds that the technology has a potential for misuse. Instead, the government must tailor its regulation to the problem it’s trying to solve — and even then, the regulation will still fail judicial scrutiny if it burdens too much protected speech.

    AI-generated content has a wide array of potential applications, spanning from political commentary and parody to art, entertainment, education, and outreach. Users have deployed AI technology to create political commentary, like the viral deepfake of Mark Zuckerberg discussing his control over user data — and for parody, as seen in the Donald Trump pizza commercial and the TikTok account dedicated to satirizing Tom Cruise. In the realm of art and entertainment, the Dalí Museum used deepfake technology to bring the artist back to life, and the TV series “The Mandalorian” recreated a young Luke Skywalker. Deepfakes have even been used for education and outreach, with a deepfake of David Beckham raising awareness about malaria.

    These examples should not be taken to suggest that AI is always a positive force for shaping public discourse. It’s not. But not only will categorical bans on deepfakes restrict protected expression such as the examples above, they’ll face — and are highly unlikely to survive — the strictest judicial scrutiny under the First Amendment.

    Categorical deepfake prohibition bills

    Bills with categorical deepfake prohibitions include North Dakota’s HB 1320 and Kentucky’s HB 21.

    North Dakota’s HB 1320, a failed bill that FIRE opposed, is a clear example of what would have been an unconstitutional categorical ban on deepfakes. The bill would have made it a misdemeanor to “intentionally produce, possess, distribute, promote, advertise, sell, exhibit, broadcast, or transmit” a deepfake without the consent of the person depicted. It defined a deepfake as any digitally-altered or AI-created “video or audio recording, motion picture film, electronic image, or photograph” that deceptively depicts something that did not occur in reality and includes the digitally-altered or AI-created voice or image of a person.

    This bill was overly broad and would criminalize vast amounts of protected speech. It was so broad that it would be like making it illegal to paint a realistic image of a busy public park without obtaining everyone’s consent. Why make it illegal for that same painter to take their realistic painting and bring it to life with AI technology?

    Artificial intelligence, free speech, and the First Amendment

    Issue Pages

    FIRE offers an analysis of frequently asked questions about artificial intelligence and its possible implications for free speech and the First Amendment.


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    HB 1320 would have prohibited the creation and distribution of deepfakes regardless of whether they cause actual harm. But, as noted, there isn’t a categorical exception to the First Amendment for false speech, and deceptive speech that causes specific, targeted harm to individuals is already punishable under narrowly defined First Amendment exceptions. If, for example, someone creates and distributes to other people a deepfake showing someone doing something they didn’t in reality do, thus effectively serving as a false statement of fact, the depicted individual could sue for defamation if they suffered reputational harm. But this doesn’t require a new law.

    Even if HB 1320 were limited to defamatory speech, enacting new, technology-specific laws where existing, generally applicable laws already suffice risks sowing confusion that will ultimately chill protected speech. Such technology-specific laws are also easily rendered obsolete and ineffective by rapidly advancing technology.

    HB 1320’s overreach clashed with clear First Amendment protections. Fortunately, the bill failed to pass.

    Constitutional background: Election-related AI regulations

    Another large bucket of bills that we’re seeing would criminalize or create civil liability for the use of AI-generated content in election-related communications, without regard to whether the content is actually defamatory.

    Like categorical bans on AI, regulations of political speech have serious difficulty passing constitutional muster. Political speech receives strong First Amendment protection and the Supreme Court has recognized it as essential for our system of government: “Discussion of public issues and debate on the qualifications of candidates are integral to the operation of the system of government established by our Constitution.”

    Under strict scrutiny, prohibitions or restrictions on AI-modified or generated media relating to elections will face an uphill battle.

    As noted above, the First Amendment protects a great deal of false speech, so these regulations will be subject to strict scrutiny when challenged in court. This means the government must prove the law is necessary to serve a compelling state interest and is narrowly tailored to achieving that interest. Narrow tailoring in strict scrutiny requires that the state meet its interest using the least speech-restrictive means.

    This high bar protects the American people from poorly tailored regulations of political speech that chill vital forms of political discourse, including satire and parody. Vigorously protecting free expression ensures robust democratic debate, which can counter deceptive speech more effectively than any legislation.

    Under strict scrutiny, prohibitions or restrictions on AI-modified or generated media relating to elections will face an uphill battle. No elections in the United States have been decided, or even materially impacted, by any AI-generated media, so the threat — and the government’s interest in addressing it — remains hypothetical. Even if that connection was established, many of the current bills are not narrowly tailored; they would burden all kinds of AI-generated political speech that poses no threat to elections. Meanwhile, laws against defamation already provide an alternative means for candidates to address deliberate lies that harm them through reputational damage.

    Already, a court has blocked one of these laws on First Amendment grounds. In a First Amendment challenge from a satirist who uses AI to generate parodies of political figures, a federal court recently applied strict scrutiny and blocked a California statute aimed at “deepfakes” that regulated “materially deceptive” election-related content.

    Election-related AI bills

    Unfortunately, many states have jumped on the bandwagon to regulate AI-generated media relating to elections. In December, I wrote about two bills in Texas — HB 556 and HB 228 — that would criminalize AI-generated content related to elections. Other bills now include Alaska’s SB 2, Arkansas’s HB 1041, Illinois’s SB 150, Maryland’s HB 525, Massachusetts’s HD 3373, Mississippi’s SB 2642, Missouri’s HB 673, Montana’s SB 25, Nebraska’s LB 615, New York’s A 235, South Carolina’s H 3517, Vermont’s S 23, and Virginia’s SB 775.

    For example, S 23, a Vermont bill, bans a person from seeking to “publish, communicate, or otherwise distribute a synthetic media message that the person knows or should have known is a deceptive and fraudulent synthetic media of a candidate on the ballot.” According to the bill, synthetic media means content that creates “a realistic but false representation” of a candidate created or manipulated with “the use of digital technology, including artificial intelligence.”

    Under this bill (and many others like it), if someone merely reposted a viral AI-generated meme of a presidential candidate that portrayed that candidate “saying or doing something that did not occur,” the candidate could sue the reposter to block them from sharing it further, and the reposter could face a substantial fine should the state pursue the case further. This would greatly burden private citizens’ political speech, and would burden candidates’ speech by giving political opponents a weapon to wield against each other during campaign season. 

    Because no reliable technology exists to detect whether media has been produced by AI, candidates can easily weaponize these laws to challenge all campaign-related media that they simply do not like. To cast a serious chill over electoral discourse, a motivated candidate need only file a bevy of lawsuits or complaints that raise the cost of speaking out to an unaffordable level.

    Instead of voter outreach, political campaigning would turn into lawfare.

    Concluding Thoughts

    That’s a quick round-up of the AI-related legislation I’m seeing at the moment and how it impacts speech. We’ll keep you posted!



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