Tag: Title

  • Education Dept.’s Penn Demands Show Shift in Title IX

    Education Dept.’s Penn Demands Show Shift in Title IX

    The Department of Education’s demands that University of Pennsylvania “restore” swimming awards and honors that had been “misappropriated” to trans women athletes and apologize to the cisgender women who had lost to them offer a glimpse into how the second Trump administration could use Title IX to force certain changes at colleges, experts and attorneys say.

    The demands, issued April 28 in the form of a proposed resolution agreement, would resolve a civil rights investigation that found Penn violated Title IX by “permitting males to compete in women’s intercollegiate athletics and to occupy women-only intimate facilities.” The Office for Civil Rights didn’t offer specifics, but officials were likely referring to trans swimmer Lia Thomas, who competed on the university’s women’s team in the 2021–22 academic year.

    Today is the deadline for Penn to either agree to the proposed demands or potentially face consequences. Department officials said they would refer to the case to the Justice Department for possible enforcement—a process that could end with the university losing access to federal funding—if Penn didn’t comply. (Penn has already lost $175 million in federal funding over this issue, though White House officials said that decision was separate from the Office for Civil Rights inquiry.)

    Penn is among several colleges and K-12 schools, including San José State University, facing investigations over policies related to trans athletes, but Penn is the first college to be the target of such public demands. Experts say the speed of the investigation, OCR’s unusual demands and the fact that Penn was in compliance with Title IX at the time Thomas competed there reflect a shift toward a more aggressive use of Title IX to further President Donald Trump’s anti-trans agenda.

    The crazy part of all of this is they may be asking Penn to discriminate in doing so, because the Trump administration has its interpretation, but that’s not definitive.”

    —Brett Sokolow, former president of the Association of Title IX Administrators

    Opposing Interpretations

    The administration’s forceful attack on institutions that have been home to high-profile trans women athletes fits with its overall playbook, which includes using any tools at its disposal to advance Trump’s agenda.

    In the case of trans athletes’ participation in athletics, the weapon of choice is Title IX, the 52-year-old law passed to guarantee women equal opportunity to education, which has since been interpreted as a broad tool to address sex-based discrimination and harassment on campus.

    In recent years, though, the relationship between trans students’ rights and Title IX has become complicated. Those on the left argue that the nature of Title IX is to protect students from gender-based discrimination, and that includes discrimination against trans and nonbinary individuals. (Such protections were included in the Biden administration’s short-lived Title IX regulations.) But those on the right argue that allowing trans women to participate women’s sports and to use women’s bathrooms and locker rooms violates the rights of their cisgender teammates—a perspective the Trump administration squarely aligns with.

    “The previous administration trampled the rights of American women and girls—and ignored the indignities to which they were subjected in bathrooms and locker rooms—to promote a radical transgender ideology,” Craig Trainor, acting assistant secretary for civil rights, said in a statement when the Penn investigation was first announced.

    For those in the former camp, Trump’s demands of Penn are just another example of the president using any means possible to erode trans people’s rights.

    “The news out of Penn, to me, was just another example of the way they are, unfortunately, using [Title IX] as a battering ram to beat down safe and inclusive school environments for trans students,” said Emma Grasso Levine, senior manager of Title IX policy and programs at Advocates for Youth, a youth sexual health and LGBTQ+ equality advocacy organization.

    Conservative organizations, though, have applauded the proposed resolution agreement, with the Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative Christian legal group that has repeatedly sued to prevent trans women from playing on women’s sports teams and using women’s locker rooms and bathrooms, calling it “another step in the right direction to restore fairness and safety in women’s sports.”

    An Aggressive Tack

    Since taking office in January, Trump has rolled back trans students’ rights, including signing an executive order banning trans student athletes from playing on the teams that align with their gender. That order prompted the Penn investigation, but at the time that Thomas was competing, trans women who met certain requirements related to hormone therapy—as Thomas did—were permitted by the NCAA and governmental regulations to compete on women’s teams.

    The NCAA has since changed that rule. But despite the NCAA’s stance and the executive order, current Title IX regulations do not disallow trans women from playing women’s sports. In fact, the regulations are the exact same set of rules, passed by the first Trump administration in 2020, that were in place when Thomas swam for Penn. This raises the question, experts say, of whether Penn should be penalized under Title IX despite the fact that the institution was following those regulations to the best of its ability.

    “That’s the interesting challenge, and probably where Penn will hang its hat if it fights this: ‘There was an interpretation of Title IX in place at the time that Penn followed. And there’s an interpretation of Title IX that’s different now. How is it fair to impose today’s interpretation of Title IX on a previous time period?’” said Brett Sokolow, former president of the Association of Title IX Administrators and chair of the crisis management consulting and law firm TNG Consulting.

    This is just one element of the aggressive tack the Trump administration appears to be taking against institutions that allowed trans women to play women’s sports. Multiple experts also pointed out the quick, almost dizzying timeline of OCR’s investigation into Penn.

    Timeline of Penn Investigation

    Feb. 5: Trump signs executive order prohibiting trans athletes from playing on teams that match their gender identity.

    Feb. 6: Trump launches investigation into Penn. NCAA ends policy allowing trans athletes to play on teams that match their gender identity.

    March 19: Trump administration pauses $175 million in federal funds to Penn.

    April 28: OCR says Penn violated Title IX and must “restore” swimming honors given to trans women.

    Ordinarily, investigations can take years to conclude—something that has often been a pain point for victims’ rights advocates, who argue that those timelines can seriously impede victims’ ability to complete their studies.

    But OCR launched this investigation within a month of Trump entering office—and just two days after he signed the EO related to trans athletes—and resolved it less than three months later.

    It’s also unusual for OCR to target a specific student with a resolution agreement, Sokolow said; most such agreements are stripped of names and identifying details. Although Thomas is not named in the department’s press release, it does call out her sport, swimming, and there have been no other out trans athletes at Penn.

    “It’s very indicative of this administration—and concerning—that they’re targeting one person and demonizing them,” he said.

    Experts also say the demands marks a sharp contrast from how OCR has resolved such cases in the past. Levine said that the requirements in resolution agreements are meant to “meaningfully impact a culture of sex-based harassment,” but she feels that OCR’s demands wouldn’t do that—if such a culture even exists at Penn.

    Title IX ‘Pendulum Swing

    If Penn fights the demands, the case could put the war between those who seek to protect trans athletes from discrimination and those who want to see them excised from their sports teams to the test. And until courts settle the question, students and institutions will be in limbo.

    “The crazy part of all of this is they may be asking Penn to discriminate in doing so, because the Trump administration has its interpretation, but that’s not definitive,” Sokolow said. “It does not have the force of law. If a court were to rule on this that Lia Thomas had rightfully won whatever competition the Trump administration is concerned about, any move to force to Penn to remove those victories could be discriminatory against a person who’s trans.”

    Lia Thomas, a swimmer at University of Pennsylvania, left, and Riley Gaines of the University of Kentucky tied for fifth place in the 200 freestyle at the NCAA swimming championships in March 2022.

    Icon Sportswire/Contributor/Getty Images

    Patricia Hamill, co-chair of the Title IX and campus discipline practice at Clark Hill, a Washington law firm, told Inside Higher Ed via email that the case “highlights the pendulum swing of Title IX in its enforcement and interpretation as well as in the government priorities over the last decade. Institutions are continuously being challenged on how to best to handle these very difficult situations on ground that continues to shift both because of Administration changes but also because of societal changes.”

    Penn had not publicly commented on the proposed resolution agreement as of Wednesday evening. When news broke that the government was suspending its federal funds, Penn officials stressed in a statement that its “athletic programs have always operated within the framework provided by the federal government, the NCAA and our conference.”

    Title IX experts expect that if the university does challenge the proposed agreement in court, it will focus on that very argument—that when Thomas was competing on Penn’s swim team, the university was, in fact, complying with NCAA rules and the department’s guidance.

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  • Title IX Case Against Maine Schools Headed to U.S. Department of Justice – The 74

    Title IX Case Against Maine Schools Headed to U.S. Department of Justice – The 74


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    The conflict between the state of Maine and the Trump administration over transgender student athletes reached a new pivot point on Monday. As the first of several deadlines set by the federal government has now expired, whether Maine can continue to allow trans athletes to participate in school sports appears likely to be decided by the courts.

    Two separate federal agencies determined that Maine is in violation of Title IX based on the Trump administration’s interpretation of the anti-sex discrimination protection.

    The U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights issued a final warning Monday to the Maine Department of Education regarding its noncompliance with a federal directive for allowing trans girls to participate in girls’ sports.

    If the state does not propose an agreement that’s acceptable to the office by April 11, the case will be referred to the Department of Justice, the letter said.

    Meanwhile, a separate investigation by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services’ civil rights office that found Maine in violation of Title IX for “continuing to unlawfully allow” trans girls to compete in girl’s sports has been referred to the U.S. Department of Justice, according to a Monday social media post from the agency.

    In a letter dated March 17, HHS had given Maine a deadline of 10 days to comply with federal guidance. Monday marked ten business days from that warning.

    Both agencies determined that Maine had violated federal law after dayslong investigations that included no interviews, while typical investigations take months and are eventually settled with resolution agreements. The probes were launched after Gov. Janet Mills and President Donald Trump had a heated exchange over the state’s trans athlete policy. Millions of dollars in federal funding might be at risk, depending on how the cases proceed.

    “We just need an answer at this point as to, ‘Does the Trump administration have the authority to do what it’s doing when it comes to fast tracking the removal of federal funds?’” said Jackie Wernz, a former OCR lawyer for the Education Department who now represents school districts nationwide in these types of cases.

    “This is just unprecedented, and we’re not following the process that we’re used to. So I think it’s going to be really helpful for courts to start weighing in on whether or not they have the authority to do this.”

    Meanwhile, Republican state lawmakers said in a news conference on Tuesday that they want the state to repeal trans students’ rights to athletics, locker rooms and bathrooms, and to roll back inclusion of gender as a protected class in the Maine Human Rights Act.

    “The problem is that the term gender identity and the Human Rights Act is being interpreted way too broadly by the left,” said Senate Minority Leader Trey Stewart (R-Aroostook). “And what it’s saying is there’s no boundary between men’s and women’s spaces.”

    Rep. Michael Soboleski (R- Phillips) said he is introducing a bill to remove consideration of gender identity from the act, and asked Democrats and Mills to support the legislation in order to avoid the risk of losing federal funding.

    Earlier this year, Iowa became the first state in the nation to remove civil rights from a state law when its Legislature voted to remove gender identity from its civil rights act.

    “This is not sustainable,” Stewart said. “We’re a poor state. We are heavily reliant on federal money. The governor needs to move on this.”

    On March 19, the Department of Education’s civil rights office notified Maine of its noncompliance and proposed a resolution agreement that would require the state to rescind its support of trans athletes, which is currently required by the Maine Human Rights Act. A Cumberland-area school district and the Maine Principals Association, which runs student athletics, that were also found in violation have already refused to sign the agreement.

    This development is part of a broader effort by the Trump administration to enforce Title IX provisions concerning gender and athletics. Earlier this year, the administration launched investigations in several other states for similar policies allowing trans athletes to compete in alignment with their gender identity.

    Title IX, the federal law banning sex-based discrimination, does not reference trans people directly, but the Trump administration has interpreted Maine’s policy as discrimination against cisgender girls.

    Rachel Perera, a fellow in the governance studies program for the Brown Center on Education Policy at national think tank The Brookings Institution, said the Trump administration’s interpretation of Title IX leaves room for questioning. If the policy goes to trial, she said federal courts may come up with a clearer interpretation.

    “It’s going to be really important to see how Maine proceeds, because they’re sort of setting the tone in terms of these other states and other localities who are going to be trying to navigate these very same dynamics,” she said.

    Maine Morning Star is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Maine Morning Star maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Lauren McCauley for questions: info@mainemorningstar.com.


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  • Office for Civil Rights Commences Title VI Investigations Against 45 Universities

    Office for Civil Rights Commences Title VI Investigations Against 45 Universities

    On March 14, the U.S. Department of Education’s (ED) Office for Civil Rights (OCR) announced that it had opened Title VI investigations into 45 universities. In a news release, ED noted that these investigations follow a Feb. 14 Dear Colleague Letter (DCL) signed by Craig Trainor, acting assistant secretary for civil rights. According to the ED release, the DCL — sent to all educational institutions that receive federal funding — reiterated that schools were obligated “to end the use of racial preferences and stereotypes in education programs and activities.”

    Among the universities being investigated are both public and private institutions that include Clemson University, Cornell University, Duke University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Arkansas-Fayetteville, the University of California-Berkeley and the University of Kentucky.

    An article from the Courier Journal reported that University of Kentucky spokesperson Lindsey Piercy said, “We have not received any official notification of this review. However, the university complies with both the constitution and Title VI. Our graduate programs are open to all qualified applicants. We will continue to monitor and review this issue, cooperate with any official inquiries and, as always, comply with the law.”

    Montana State University-Bozeman (MSU) is also among the 45 institutions under investigation. MSU vice president for communications Tracy Ellig released a statement which reads in part: “MSU strictly adheres to all federal and state laws in the hiring of its faculty and staff. … Montana State University strictly adheres to all applicable laws with regard to its students. MSU has well-established processes and procedures in place to investigate any claim of discrimination by students, faculty, staff or the public.”

    The ED press release noted that the investigations were prompted by these institutions having partnered with The PhD Project, an organization founded in 1994 with the goal of creating more role models leading business classrooms. It endeavors to improve diversity in the business world by encouraging people from underrepresented backgrounds to attain doctoral degrees in business. ED asserted that The PhD Project “limits eligibility based on the race of participants.”

    The PhD Project issued the following statement: “For the last 30 years, The PhD Project has worked to expand the pool of workplace talent by developing business school faculty who inspire, mentor, and support tomorrow’s leaders. Our vision is to create a broader talent pipeline of current and future business leaders who are committed to excellence and to each other, through networking, mentorship, and unique events. This year, we have opened our membership application to anyone who shares that vision. The PhD Project was founded with the goal of providing more role models in the front of business classrooms, which remains our goal today.”

    OCR is also investigating six universities that have allegedly awarded race-based scholarships, which it asserts is not allowed, and one university that allegedly administers a program that “segregates students on the basis of race.” Among those schools are Grand Valley State University, Ithaca College and the University of Tulsa School of Medicine.

    “The Department is working to reorient civil rights enforcement to ensure all students are protected from illegal discrimination,” noted U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon. “Students must be assessed according to merit and accomplishment, not prejudiced by the color of their skin.”

    Kelly Benjamin, media and communications strategist for the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), noted that AAUP was a plaintiff in a case for which the U.S. District Court for the District of Maryland has granted a preliminary nationwide injunction on parts of two executive orders issued by President Donald J. Trump that sought to end diversity, equity and inclusion policies and programs among federal government grantees and contractors, which includes most colleges and universities.

    “Unfortunately, the Office of Civil Rights within the Education Department has…intensified the clamp down on speech and expression related to race and identity, and they’ve moved beyond censorship into a true weaponization of federal civil rights law,” said Benjamin. “It’s fundamentally at odds with what the mission of higher education should be, which is the search for knowledge that serves the common good.

    “They’re trying to remake higher education into their own agenda, where they can control not only who has access to higher education but what is taught in the classroom, what can be researched, what can be written about,” he added. “It’s an assault on the very core mission of higher education.”

    The defendants, which include President Trump and ED, filed for a stay of the injunction pending appeal, which the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit granted. “Having reviewed the record, the district court’s opinion, and the parties’ briefing, we agree with the government that it has satisfied the factors for a stay under Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 426 (2009).” Entered at the direction of Chief Judge Albert Diaz, with the concurrence of Judge Pamela Harris and Judge Allison Rushing.

    EdTrust issued a statement from Augustus Mays, vice president of partnerships and engagement,  condemning the investigations. He noted: “By using federal investigations as a weapon to intimidate institutions committed to racial equity, the Trump administration is not only undermining the fundamental mission of higher education but is also jeopardizing student success. These attacks are grounded in a false narrative that DEI initiatives are about exclusion. The reality is the opposite: these programs are designed to expand access, increase opportunity, and strengthen institutions by ensuring that all students, particularly underserved students, can thrive.”

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  • Key takeaways from OCR’s Title VI FAQ clarification

    Key takeaways from OCR’s Title VI FAQ clarification

    Over the last two weeks, FIRE wrote twice about the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights’ recent “Dear Colleague” letter, asking for more clarity about how OCR plans to enforce Title VI. This weekend, OCR began to provide much-needed clarity through a “Frequently Asked Questions” document, and promised to update the FAQ as needed. 

    While the FAQ document answers key questions, including addressing some points FIRE raised, one more item still needs to be addressed: OCR should expressly incorporate the Supreme Court’s hostile environment harassment standard articulated in Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education when evaluating whether institutional programming creates a hostile environment.  

    Key clarifications from the FAQ:

    • OCR echoed Attorney General Pam Bondi’s Feb. 5 memo, confirming that institutional cultural celebrations or historical observations such as Black History Month and International Holocaust Remembrance Day do not violate Title VI. 
      • FIRE analysis: We advised colleges not to “overcomply” and prematurely cancel university cultural celebrations. Those that have cancelled events, including Grand View University in Iowa, should restore them. 
    • The FAQ distinguishes between K-12 classrooms and higher education classrooms, acknowledging that college discussions and coursework on race-related issues are less likely than K-12 programs to create a racially hostile environment. 
      • FIRE analysis: This is a win for academic freedom and free expression in higher education. OCR correctly notes the difference between the environs of K-12 and college classrooms — the latter being precisely where difficult discussions should take place. President Trump’s Jan. 21 executive order on DEI also explicitly protected higher education classroom instruction, an exception FIRE has long sought when government actors have attempted to reform campus DEI bureaucracies.

    Other parts of the FAQ leave room for additional clarification, particularly regarding the standard for determining when race-related speech can violate Title VI. 

    While FIRE does not take a position on affirmative action or other race-conscious practices at institutions, OCR’s interpretation of Title VI and the Students for Fair Admissions cases prohibits institutions from maintaining policies or practices that treat students differently based on their race. As the Feb. 14 “Dear Colleague” letter states: 

    If an educational institution treats a person of one race differently than it treats another person because of that person’s race, the educational institution violates the law. Federal law thus prohibits covered entities from using race in decisions pertaining to admissions, hiring, promotion, compensation, financial aid, scholarships, prizes, administrative support, discipline, housing, graduation ceremonies, and all other aspects of student, academic, and campus life. Put simply, educational institutions may neither separate or segregate students based on race, nor distribute benefits or burdens based on race.

    It’s one thing for OCR to address institutional conduct in its policies or programs — prohibiting the distribution of benefits or the imposition of burdens based on race — but quite another to regulate institutional speech in programs. The FAQ would benefit from additional clarity on how the Supreme Court’s Davis decision applies to institutional speech, including mandatory trainings and institutionally sponsored events or programming. 

    OCR should explicitly confirm that when evaluating whether an institution has created a hostile environment, it will only consider conduct that is “so severe, pervasive, and objectively offensive that it effectively bars the victim’s access to an educational opportunity or benefit” as rising to that level. Expressly mentioning the hostile environment harassment standard as articulated in Davis in future FAQ updates would help institutions better understand the difference between unlawful conduct and protected expression. OCR’s clarifications thus far are useful, but it must make this distinction clear going forward. 

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  • Former staffer alleges Liberty U ignored Title IX violations

    Former staffer alleges Liberty U ignored Title IX violations

    A former Title IX investigator at Liberty University is suing the private evangelical institution, alleging he was fired for reporting sexual harassment within the office to his superiors, USA Today reported.

    Peter Brake, a former investigator in Liberty’s Title IX office from 2019 to 2024 (including a three-and-a-half-year leave of absence for active military duty), alleges he was fired in June after he raised concerns about “multiple violations of law” to his supervisor and reported instances of sexual harassment of coworkers by another investigator, according to a copy of the lawsuit.

    Brake also alleged that the same investigator, Nathan Friesema, was inappropriately directing the outcome of Title IX cases, including asking leading questions and embellishing complaints.

    (Friesema did not respond to a request for comment from Inside Higher Ed sent via LinkedIn.)

    Brake’s lawsuit alleges that Friesema subjected a coworker in the Title IX office to inappropriate jokes, including about sexual assault. Brake eventually brought the concerns to Liberty University president Dondi Costin in late 2023 and to his supervisor, Ashley Reich. However, Brake alleges that he was then “interrogated” by LU’s human resources department and fired.

    “Liberty University has received news of this lawsuit by a former employee, and we are reviewing details of the case. Liberty takes all allegations of wrongdoing seriously and has impartial measures in place to assure the fair and equal treatment of all employees. While we will not respond to these allegations in the media at this time, we disagree with the lawsuit’s claims and are prepared to defend ourselves in court,” a Liberty spokesperson wrote by email. 

    The lawsuit comes less than a year after the U.S. Department of Education determined that LU failed to comply with federal campus crime–reporting requirements and officials discouraged victims from coming forward, weaponizing LU’s code of conduct against sexual abuse survivors.

    Liberty was hit with a $14 million fine for various violations last March and is required, per an agreement with ED, to spend $2 million on campus safety and compliance improvements. The university is also on postreview monitoring through April 2026 to ensure it enacts improvements.

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  • OCR’s new Title VI letter: FIRE’s analysis and recommendations

    OCR’s new Title VI letter: FIRE’s analysis and recommendations

    Last week, the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights published a “Dear Colleague Letter” describing educational institutions’ obligations under federal anti-discrimination law and explaining how OCR will interpret Title VI and other legal authorities.

    Since FIRE is, at its core, an organization dedicated to free expression, we reviewed OCR’s letter through that lens. In this blog entry, we offer recommendations to OCR to ensure that it does not unlawfully censor educational institutions or pressure them to censor their students and faculty, and we ask for additional clarification of the letter. We also offer recommendations to colleges and universities to prevent overreactions to the DCL and to ensure they continue to protect student and faculty free speech rights.

    Overview of Title VI and OCR’s ‘Dear Colleague’ Letter

    Title VI prohibits educational institutions receiving federal funding from discriminating against individuals on the basis of race, color, or national origin. In Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard and Students for Fair Admissions v. UNC, the Supreme Court of the United States struck down racial preferences in college admissions for violating the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and Title VI of Civil Rights Act of 1964. In interpreting Title VI, the Equal Protection Clause, and the SSFA decision, OCR’s letter states:

    Although SFFA addressed admissions decisions, the Supreme Court’s holding applies more broadly. At its core, the test is simple: If an educational institution treats a person of one race differently than it treats another person because of that person’s race, the educational institution violates the law [ . . .] Put simply, educational institutions may neither separate or segregate students based on race, nor distribute benefits or burdens based on race.

    The letter also advises institutions to:

    1. Ensure that their policies and actions comply with existing civil rights law;
    2. Cease all efforts to circumvent prohibitions on the use of race by relying on proxies or other indirect means to accomplish such ends; and
    3. Cease all reliance on third-party contractors, clearinghouses, or aggregators that are being used by the institutions in an effort to circumvent prohibited uses of race. 

    The letter warns that “[i]nstitutions that fail to comply with federal civil rights law may, consistent with applicable law, face potential loss of federal funding.”

    Irrespective of whether one agrees or disagrees with race-conscious policies, OCR is likely within its authority to prohibit institutions from providing or denying benefits to individuals based on their race. But while FIRE has no institutional position on affirmative action programs, we routinely see government actors use anti-discrimination rationales to censor First Amendment-protected speech. 

    Recommendations for OCR

    FIRE has seen a number of states seek to rein in DEI-related administrative offices at their state educational institutions. We’ve told those legislatures repeatedly that, while they have significant authority to manage nonacademic bureaucracies at their public higher education institutions, they cannot restrict which ideas can be taught in the college classroom, including on topics related to “diversity, equity, and inclusion,” or related concepts. They also cannot restrict student organizations from forming around or advocating on behalf of DEI initiatives.

    OCR’s new Dear Colleague letter chides educational institutions for “routinely us[ing] race as a factor in admissions, financial aid, hiring, training, and other institutional programming.” [Emphasis added.] It states that over the past few years, schools have “toxically indoctrinated” students, asserting that institutions have been “smuggling racial stereotypes and explicit race-consciousness into everyday training, programming, and discipline.” [Emphasis added.]

    West Virginia Executive Order on ‘DEI’ unconstitutionally limits university classroom discussions.

    News

    West Virginia Gov. Patrick Morrisey issued an executive order to eliminate DEI practices in state agencies and organizations that receive state money.


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    While OCR is free to criticize colleges for overstepping the bounds of the law on  DEI-related issues over the past few years, it must be careful when turning that criticism into policy. When a regulatory agency with the authority to cut off all federal funding to institutions cites certain types of “programming” as evidence that institutions could be violating federal anti-discrimination law, it risks chilling speech on those topics. That is especially true when the term “programming” is left undefined in the letter. Private institutions also maintain broad First Amendment rights of their own, and threats to punish them for their own speech about DEI or affirmative action risks violating the free speech rights of those institutions. 

    To abate any confusion arising from the letter, OCR should provide additional guidance to describe in more detail the types of programming it thinks violates Title VI and other anti-discrimination laws. Does OCR seek to prohibit institutions from hosting outside speakers who espouse disfavored ideas about DEI? Does OCR seek to limit particular classwork or research at institutions? If so, it has strayed beyond the First Amendment’s boundary. 

    To avoid chilling protected speech, OCR should clarify the distinction between providing benefits or preferences to individuals based on race or other protected characteristics, and pure speech about DEI and affirmative action — and make clear that it is not banning the latter. OCR must also be careful about regulating institutional trainings at private institutions in ways that violate institutional free speech rights. 

    As FIRE has made clear many times over the course of several administrations, OCR is bound by the First Amendment and cannot order or compel colleges and universities to violate it. 

    Courts have struck down government attempts to regulate DEI-related trainings offered by private businesses. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, for example, upheld an injunction blocking Florida’s Stop WOKE Act insofar as it applied to private business trainings, writing that “by limiting its restrictions to a list of ideas designated as offensive, the Act targets speech based on its content. And by barring only speech that endorses any of those ideas, it penalizes certain viewpoints—the greatest First Amendment sin.” 

    FIRE hopes OCR will quickly provide institutions with additional clarity about the full scope of its Title VI interpretations. 

    FIRE is challenging other parts of the Stop WOKE Act that restrict classroom instruction in higher education on First Amendment grounds. After a federal district court issued a preliminary injunction preventing the state from enforcing those sections of the law, our case is now before the Eleventh Circuit.  

    To the extent OCR is concerned about the lawfulness of certain mandatory training programs, OCR could require state institutions to make public their training materials on DEI-related issues. FIRE’s Intellectual Freedom Protection Act, which prohibits public colleges from requiring mandatory DEI statements — or any other political litmus test — as a condition of hiring or promotion, contains a provision that could be a useful starting point: 

    Each public institution of higher education in the state shall post and make publicly available all training materials used for students, faculty, and staff, on all matters of nondiscrimination, diversity, equity, inclusion, race, ethnicity, sex, or bias, and all of its policies and guidance on those issues, on its website. 

    Such a requirement would provide both regulators and the public with a better idea of how institutions train its students about DEI-related topics. 

    Recommendations for institutions interpreting recent executive orders, memos, and letters

    If there is a conflict — real or perceived — between federal guidance and the First Amendment, the First Amendment prevails. For public institutions, this means they cannot violate faculty or student speech or associational rights regardless of federal agency guidance. For private institutions, this means federal guidance cannot unlawfully restrict the institution’s speech or pressure the institution to unlawfully suppress the speech or association of their faculty or students. 

    Campus administrators nationwide should not over-read this Dear Colleague Letter to justify censoring student or faculty expression. It would be wise to read it in conjunction with President Trump’s Jan. 21 Executive Order “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity,” the directive that likely led to this letter and that contains provisions expressly protecting free speech and academic freedom:

    (b)  This order does not prevent State or local governments, Federal contractors, or Federally-funded State and local educational agencies or institutions of higher education from engaging in First Amendment-protected speech.

    (c)  This order does not prohibit persons teaching at a Federally funded institution of higher education as part of a larger course of academic instruction from advocating for, endorsing, or promoting the unlawful employment or contracting practices prohibited by this order.

    Since the Justice Department has a role in enforcing Title VI alongside that of the Education Department’s OCR, institutions should also note Attorney General Bondi’s memo on “Ending Illegal DEI and DEIA Discrimination and Preferences.” Her memo expressly notes:

    This memorandum is intended to encompass programs, initiatives, or policies that discriminate, exclude, or divide individuals based on race or sex. It does not prohibit educational, cultural, or historical observances—such as Black History Month, International Holocaust Remembrance Day, or similar events—that celebrate diversity, recognize historical contributions, and promote awareness without engaging in exclusion or discrimination. 

    When read together in the context of these companion documents, the new DCL should provide no justification for institutions to believe they must censor students, student organizations, or faculty, or rush to cancel university-sponsored cultural events or celebrations. Moreover, doing so may well violate the First Amendment at public universities—and again, courts will always give precedence to constitutional guarantees over guidance and regulations. Colleges will, however, need to end any policy or programs that actively separate individuals or provide benefits based on race.

    Given the tight timeline for compliance, FIRE hopes OCR will quickly provide institutions with additional clarity about the full scope of its Title VI interpretations. In the meantime, we again remind colleges and universities to honor their constitutional duties or institutional promises to protect the freedom of expression and academic freedom of their students and faculty. 

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  • Trump administration rescinds Title IX guidance on athlete pay

    Trump administration rescinds Title IX guidance on athlete pay

    The Trump administration announced Wednesday it is rolling back guidance issued in the final days of the Biden administration that said payments to college athletes through revenue-sharing agreements or from name, image and likeness deals “must be made proportionately available to male and female athletes.”

    Republicans quickly criticized the guidance and called for its rescission, arguing that mandating equal pay between men and women’s sports could cause some colleges to cut athletics programs.

    Under Title IX, colleges must provide “substantially proportionate” financial assistance to male and female athletes, though it wasn’t clear until the Biden guidance whether that requirement applied to NIL deals or revenue-sharing agreements. A settlement reached in the House v. NCAA case would require colleges to share revenue with athletes starting in the 2025–26 academic year and provide back pay.

    The Trump administration said the guidance was “overly burdensome” and “profoundly unfair.”

    “Enacted over 50 years ago, Title IX says nothing about how revenue-generating athletics programs should allocate compensation among student athletes,” acting assistant secretary for civil rights Craig Trainor said in a statement. “The claim that Title IX forces schools and colleges to distribute student-athlete revenues proportionately based on gender equity considerations is sweeping and would require clear legal authority to support it.”

    A federal judge is set to sign off on the House settlement later this spring. Several athletes have objected to the plan, including some groups of women athletes who argue the revenue won’t be shared equitably and will primarily benefit men who play football and basketball.

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  • Department of Education Releases Enforcement Guidance for Title IX

    Department of Education Releases Enforcement Guidance for Title IX

    by CUPA-HR | February 5, 2025

    On February 4, the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR) issued a “Dear Colleague” letter to institutions of higher education regarding enforcement of Title IX regulations. Specifically, the letter reaffirms that OCR will enforce the first Trump administration’s Title IX rule instead of the Biden administration’s Title IX rule.

    As a reminder, in early January of this year, a judge from the Eastern District of Kentucky Court struck down the Biden administration’s rule nationwide, reverting enforcement back to the 2020 Title IX regulations for all institutions. In the Dear Colleague letter, OCR states that the Department of Justice is responsible for determining whether to appeal the district court’s decision, but they confirm that the decision was effective immediately and that the Biden administration’s rule is no longer in effect in any jurisdiction.

    In addition to the court decision, the letter also points to Trump’s executive order, “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The letter restates from the executive order that all federal agencies are directed to “‘enforce all sex-protective laws to promote [the] reality’ that there are ‘two sexes, male and female,’ and that ‘[t]hese sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality.’” As such, the letter states that OCR must enforce Title IX consistent with the executive order.

    Finally, the letter orders all open Title IX investigations initiated under the Biden administration’s Title IX rule to “be immediately reoriented to comport fully with the requirements of the 2020 Title IX rule.” It also directs institutions to a Title IX resource page on the Department of Education’s website, which includes resources that provide an overview of the changing Title IX landscape over the past couple of years.

    CUPA-HR is hosting a webinar on Title IX and Title IV enforcement at OCR on February 25 at 1 p.m. ET. The webinar is free to attend but registration is limited. A recording of the webinar will be available after the live event. CUPA-HR will continue to monitor for new developments related to Title IX enforcement under the new Trump administration.



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  • Education Department will enforce 2020 Title IX rule

    Education Department will enforce 2020 Title IX rule

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    Dive Brief:

    • The U.S. Department of Education has told colleges and school districts they should follow the 2020 Title IX rule for investigating sex discrimination in schools, closing the chapter on a Biden administration rule that faced much legal turmoil. 
    • In a Friday “Dear Colleague” letter, Craig Trainor, acting assistant secretary for civil rights, said that under the 2020 rule, the interpretation of “sex” means being born male or female. 
    • The letter also clarified that any open Title IX investigations initiated under the 2024 Title IX Rule should be immediately reevaluated to comply with the requirements of the 2020 rule.

    Dive Insight:

    Trainor said the change is based on a federal judge’s decision in early January that struck down the 2024 rule as unconstitutional across the country. That Biden administration rule for the first time extended Title IX civil rights protections to LGBTQI+ students and employees at federally funded schools and colleges — including by prohibiting discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation

    Released in April 2024, the rule drew legal challenges, and courts blocked the regulations in at least 26 states.

    Trainor also stated that the 2024 rule conflicts with a Jan. 20 executive order from President Donald Trump that requires all federal agencies and departments to recognize just two sexes — male and female — when it comes to “sex-protective” laws. 

    “As a constitutional matter, the President’s interpretation of the law governs because he alone controls and supervises subordinate officers who exercise discretionary executive power on his behalf,” Trainor’s letter said.

    Supporters of the 2020 rule, developed under the first Trump administration, praised the letter.

    Chad Wolf, executive vice president of the America First Policy Institute, said that under the 2020 rule, women and girls were “unjustly and illegally” denied access to sex-segregated athletic opportunities and intimate spaces. Linda McMahon, President Trump’s nominee for U.S. education secretary, is chair of the board at AFPI. 

    “Female athletes were seriously injured competing against males, and many were forced to undress in front of males,” Wolf said in a statement. “It was a misguided policy that did real harm, and this new guidance puts an end to it.”

    But opponents to the 2020 rule voiced concern, saying it puts students at greater risk of harassment and discrimination.

    This is an incredibly disappointing decision that will leave many survivors of sexual violence, LGBTQ+ students, and pregnant and parenting students without the accommodations critical to their ability to learn and attend class safely,” said Emma Grasso Levine, senior manager of Title IX policy and programs at Know Your IX, in a statement. “Schools must step up to protect students in the absence of adequate federal guidance.”

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  • Education Department will enforce 2020 Title IX rule

    Education Department will enforce 2020 Title IX rule

    This audio is auto-generated. Please let us know if you have feedback.

    Dive Brief:

    • The U.S. Department of Education has told school districts and colleges they should follow the 2020 Title IX rule for investigating sex discrimination in schools, closing the chapter on a Biden administration rule that faced much legal turmoil. 
    • In a Friday “Dear Colleague” letter, Craig Trainor, acting assistant secretary for civil rights, said that under the 2020 rule, the interpretation of “sex” means being born male or female. 
    • The letter also clarified that any open Title IX investigations initiated under the 2024 Title IX Rule should be immediately reevaluated to comply with the requirements of the 2020 rule.

    Dive Insight:

    Trainor said the change is based on a federal judge’s decision in early January that struck down the 2024 rule as unconstitutional across the country. That Biden administration rule for the first time extended Title IX civil rights protections to LGBTQI+ students and employees at federally funded schools and colleges — including by prohibiting discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation

    Released in April 2024, the rule drew legal challenges, and courts blocked the regulations in at least 26 states.

    Trainor also stated that the 2024 rule conflicts with a Jan. 20 executive order from President Donald Trump that requires all federal agencies and departments to recognize just two sexes — male and female — when it comes to “sex-protective” laws. 

    “As a constitutional matter, the President’s interpretation of the law governs because he alone controls and supervises subordinate officers who exercise discretionary executive power on his behalf,” Trainor’s letter said.

    Supporters of the 2020 rule, developed under the first Trump administration, praised the letter.

    Chad Wolf, executive vice president of the America First Policy Institute, said that under the 2020 rule, women and girls were “unjustly and illegally” denied access to sex-segregated athletic opportunities and intimate spaces. Linda McMahon, President Trump’s nominee for U.S. education secretary, is chair of the board at AFPI. 

    “Female athletes were seriously injured competing against males, and many were forced to undress in front of males,” Wolf said in a statement. “It was a misguided policy that did real harm, and this new guidance puts an end to it.”

    But opponents to the 2020 rule voiced concern, saying it puts students at greater risk of harassment and discrimination.

    This is an incredibly disappointing decision that will leave many survivors of sexual violence, LGBTQ+ students, and pregnant and parenting students without the accommodations critical to their ability to learn and attend class safely,” said Emma Grasso Levine, senior manager of Title IX policy and programs at Know Your IX, in a statement. “Schools must step up to protect students in the absence of adequate federal guidance.”

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