Tag: Trumps

  • What to Know About Trump’s Funding Threats to Colleges

    What to Know About Trump’s Funding Threats to Colleges

    Over the course of just 13 weeks, President Donald Trump has made it clear that he’ll use billions of dollars in federal grants and contracts, primarily for research, as a lever to force colleges and universities to bow to his agenda and increase the representation of conservative ideology on their campuses.

    The cuts don’t follow any typical investigative process and sometimes lack clear explanations or legal justifications. And such an aggressive ad hoc strategy is one that that many higher education lawyers, policy analysts and administrators say could reshape postsecondary education for years to come.

    “It’s certainly unprecedented and deeply disturbing,” said John King Jr., former secretary of education under President Obama and current chancellor of the State University of New York system. Trump’s actions “really threaten the long-standing partnership between the federal government and higher education in the pursuit of both innovation and economic mobility.”

    Trump and his advisers have signaled their intent to crack down on “woke” higher education but haven’t said how they will do so. Instead, a cadre of conservative policy analysts plotted how to leverage other agencies and sources of funding, beyond access to the $130 billion distributed annually in federal student loans and Pell Grants.

    “At the beginning it felt like I was the only one fighting,” Chris Rufo, an influential anti-DEI advocate and a member of the Board of Trustees at New College of Florida, said on The Daily, a New York Times podcast last week. “Now, fast-forward five years, [and] some of the ideas that I had cobbled together have suddenly become reality, they’ve become policy, they affect billions of dollars in the flow of funds.”

    But efforts to send colleges and universities into “an existential terror,” as Rufo put it, have required the Trump administration to move at a dizzying pace and leverage multiple mechanisms that most higher education lawyers, policy analysts and officials say are incredibly novel.

    To catch up, here are four things you should know about Trump’s funding threats to colleges and universities.

    Broad Scope of Attack

    A large part of what makes the Trump administration’s current push to crack down on colleges and align their actions with his agenda so unprecedented, experts say, is its sheer magnitude, from the amount of money at risk to the number of investigations involving various agencies.

    The Education Department has historically taken the lead on holding colleges accountable, leveraging institutions’ eligibility for student aid programs to force compliance. But this time around, it’s an all-hands-on-deck effort with a magazine of federal programs used as ammunition.

    At least four departments beyond Education—Justice, Defense, Energy and Health and Human Services—have also been involved, cutting off scientific research grants, which are typically considered immune from political attacks.

    James Nussbaum, who leads the higher education practice at the Indiana law firm Church Church Hittle + Antrim, said that as Trump took office he often warned clients to be aware of any contracts they held with the Department of Education. But some of the cuts caught even him by surprise.

    “People had their focus on one ball in the air and hadn’t seen that these others might be affected,” he said.

    To review federal funding for colleges that it believes have violated students’ civil rights, the Trump administration launched a federal antisemitism task force that spanned several agencies and has led some of the most public actions against colleges so far.

    The group launched reviews of Columbia and Harvard Universities, demanded sweeping changes and froze $400 million and $2.2 billion in grants and contracts, respectively. The funds at risk support a wide range of research at the universities, including on cancer, tuberculosis and the effects of environmental pollution on health. Faculty have warned of dire consequences if the freezes continue.

    In addition to Columbia and Harvard, Northwestern, Cornell, Brown and Princeton Universities have had some of their federal funds frozen, though it’s not clear why or who made that decision and under what legal authority. (The Wall Street Journal reported that White House staff were behind the Cornell funding freeze.)

    The Trump administration also froze $175 million at the University of Pennsylvania to penalize administrators for allowing a transgender athlete to swim on the women’s team three years ago.

    What the Trump administration is doing enters a “whole new territory,” Princeton president Christopher Eisgruber said in a recent interview with The New York Times.

    Starting with the freeze at Columbia, “the government was using its tremendous power over research dollars to try to control what a private university was doing in terms of matters that are generally considered part of academic freedom,” Eisgruber added. “There’s a very fundamental threat here right now … to America’s research universities that anybody who cares about the strength of this country, our economy, our prosperity, our security, our health should be worried about.”

    Colleges also face other threats from the federal government. The Department of Education has launched or actively pursued at least 97 investigations concerning alleged antisemitism and DEI programs, which could imperil those institutions’ access to federal financial aid. And the National Institutes of Health and the Department of Energy moved to cap reimbursements for costs indirectly related to research, which, if enacted, could cost colleges billions.

    Bypassing Standard Processes

    Adding to the difficulty for colleges, the Trump administration is largely ignoring regulatory standards and procedures when it cuts funding.

    For instance, cabinet members have broadly used the term “investigation” to describe the ways they are cracking down on colleges. But in most cases, the review process has lasted only a few days and resulted in little to no evidence of the alleged violation. Often, universities have been presented with a list of ultimatums or policy changes they must make in order to avoid a funding freeze or restore their funds.

    The stop-work orders that have been issued so far have been “arbitrary” and “often unsupported,” said King of SUNY. If there is rationale, it often “seems disingenuous.”

    And some universities have yet to receive a formal notification about a funding freeze. For example, Brown officials have not received any official word of a rumored $510 million cut.

    “We have nothing to actually substantiate what’s being reported,” Brian Clark, Brown’s vice president for news, told Inside Higher Ed in an email.

    For civil rights investigations, investigations typically begin when the Education Department notifies an institution of the allegations made in thorough detail, experts explained. Then, the Office for Civil Rights conducts an in-depth investigation that includes talking to students, faculty and staff and gathering documents or data regarding the allegations. That process allows colleges to voluntarily resolve the investigation and negotiate a settlement with the department. The resulting agreement usually outlines various changes that colleges must make to comply with federal law. Some conservative critics have said those settlements or resolution agreements were “toothless.”

    If the parties cannot agree or a college refuses to comply with the federal law, the department could sue a college. But that’s rare, and the Education Department has never pulled a college’s federal funding over civil rights violations—a move that’s considered a nuclear option.

    Brendan Cantwell, a higher education professor at Michigan State University, noted that despite the quick turnaround, the administration’s investigations do, at times, parallel the motivations of traditional reviews. But what makes this approach so unprecedented and unlawful, in his mind, Cantwell said, is its “unmeasured” and “blanketed” nature.

    “So while there are precedents and similar examples in the past, beyond very superficial similarities, the similarities fall apart,” he said.

    Breaking Contract Law

    The means by which Trump is terminating grants and contracts is also novel, a lawyer who specializes in government contracts told Inside Higher Ed.

    Generally, the only people who have authority to take contract-based actions on behalf of the United States are contracting officers or agreements officers, said Jayna Marie Rust, a partner at Thompson Coburn LLP. But under the Trump administration, it’s often unclear if this is the case, especially with the Department of Government Efficiency reviewing contracts and grants and touting decisions to cancel millions in agreements.

    Rust said she has not seen any of the direct communications between government agencies and universities regarding contract/grant termination that are due to the identity of the institution and therefore can’t say if the notifications come from contracting or agreements officers. But notifications coming from others is something she has seen in other terminations that schools are receiving.

    “But to the extent these communications are not coming from the agreements officers or contracting officers, that is unusual,” Rust said.

    And much like the procedure for investigating and addressing policy violations, the government is supposed to ensure due process before excluding schools from receiving federal funds, which is effectively what the terminations have done. The Trump administration has seemingly bypassed those steps. (Several faculty groups and associations have sued to restore the canceled funding.)

    Even when the administration has completed a process to determine whether an entity can be excluded from receiving federal funds, contracting and agreements officers also often conduct a risk analysis to see if the benefit of letting that entity complete a contract or grant outweighs the benefit of cutting ties (which could result in losing the benefit of work that’s already completed), Rust said. It appears that the Trump administration also hasn’t gone through that review.

    More Than Money at Stake

    As a result of the sweeping scope of Trump’s attacks and the lack of precedent, the risks for colleges and universities are more than financial, higher ed experts say.

    Yes, losing billions of dollars in federal funding is a problem, and not one that elite institutions’ endowments can solve. But more than that, what’s at risk is the core mission and ethos of American higher education, King said.

    “From the technology inside of your phone to the treatment you may receive at your doctor—all of that can be traced back to research conducted at America’s higher ed institutions. And it’s under threat,” he said.

    And though the dollar amounts of funding pulled from smaller private liberal arts institutions and state universities may be “more modest,” they’re still significant, he added. “For those researchers, it’s heartbreaking, and it will ultimately harm economic development and national security.”

    The full impact of these funding freezes is not yet clear. But until the courts weigh in, colleges are stuck between a rock and a hard place, said Nussbaum, of Church Church Hittle + Antrim.

    “Schools are trying to make that decision of how can we make decisions consistent with our mission and values in a way that’s not going to get us called out?” Nussbaum said. “I think we’ll have a little bit more certainty on where the means and bounds of the discretion of the executive agency is in the funding. But I think in the meantime, a lot of schools are trying to wait out that clock.”

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  • Head Start zeroed out in Trump’s preliminary budget plan

    Head Start zeroed out in Trump’s preliminary budget plan

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    Dive Brief:

    • Head Start would be eliminated under a draft fiscal 2026 budget that the Trump administration is preparing to send to Congress, according to a preliminary budget planning document acquired by K-12 Dive’s sister publication Healthcare Dive.
    • The program is among other initiatives targeted for termination that support low-income families and children — including the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program and the Community Services Block Grant — under the preliminary budget document for the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
    • Even if sent to Congress as currently drafted, however, the proposals have a long road to travel before gaining congressional approval and being finalized. Still, advocates and policymakers are raising alarms, with one advocacy group — The Child Care for Every Family Network — calling the potential elimination of Head Start an “absolute disaster for families and [the] economy.”

    Dive Insight:

    The budget cuts would be in line with the Trump administration’s efforts to dramatically reduce the size of the federal government. For FY 2024, Congress funded Head Start at about $12.2 billion, the Community Services Block Grant at around $758 million, and LIHEAP at $4 billion.  

    HHS did not respond to a request for comment Thursday.

    Some Republicans in Congress and conservative organizations have criticized Head Start in the past as unsafe and ineffective at increasing children’s academic performances. Project 2025 — a blueprint for the current Republican administration issued during the presidential campaign by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank — recommended zeroing out the program.

    But the National Head Start Association, an advocacy organization that represents program leaders, families and children, points to research showing positive academic, social and economic returns on investment from Head Start.

    The program, which celebrates its 60th anniversary next month, serves nearly 800,000 infants, toddlers and preschool children from families with low incomes. More than 17,000 Head Start centers operate nationwide. A companion Early Head Start program provides prenatal services.

    The proposal to terminate Head Start “reflects a disinvestment in our future,” said Yasmina Vinci, executive director of NHSA, said in a Thursday statement. “Eliminating funding for Head Start would be catastrophic. It would be a direct attack on our nation’s most at-risk children, their well-being, and their families.”

    The Head Start system is already under fiscal strain, advocates say. Mass layoffs at HHS on April 1 led to the closing of five Office of Head Start regional offices: Boston, New York, Chicago, San Francisco and Seattle. Those offices are to be consolidated into the five remaining offices in Philadelphia, Atlanta, Dallas, Kansas City and Denver. The regional offices provide guidance on federal policy, training and technical assistance to Head Start providers.

    However, in an April 3 announcement to Head Start grant recipients, Laurie Todd-Smith, HHS deputy assistant secretary for early childhood development, said the closures would not impact “critical services.” 

    Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., vice chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said in a Wednesday statement that data shows the Trump administration issued nearly $1 billion less in federal grants to Head Start centers nationwide to date this year compared to the same period last year — a 37% decrease. 

    “So far this year, Trump has slow-walked $1 billion in funding from going out the door to Head Start programs, and we are beginning to see the devastating consequences: centers closing, kids kicked out of the classroom, teachers losing their jobs, and entire communities losing out,” Murray said.

    President Donald Trump is expected to release his proposed FY 2026 budget later this month or early next month, according to news reports. Congress will then debate the recommended allocations before sending appropriations bills to the president for signature. The federal fiscal year starts Oct. 1.

    Sydney Halleman, editor for Healthcare Dive, contributed to this story.

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  • Could Trump’s tariffs end up spurring green innovation?

    Could Trump’s tariffs end up spurring green innovation?

    U.S. President Donald Trump has never been a champion of the environment. From gutting climate policies to rolling back crucial environmental protections, the track record of the U.S. president speaks for itself. 

    But his announcement this month of steep tariffs on a sweeping range of foreign-made goods intended to boost U.S. production may also inadvertently fuel a global shift toward green innovation and a more sustainable future.

    During his first term, Trump pulled the United States out of the Paris Agreement, slashed pollution regulations and gave the fossil fuel industry a free pass. One of his most controversial moves was opening up the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) to drilling — a pristine, ecologically-sensitive area home to polar bears, caribou and Indigenous communities that depend on the land.

    Now, he’s back — and this time, his weapon of choice is tariffs. The Trump administration has imposed tariffs on all imports from China, Mexico and Canada, as well as on steel, aluminium and cars from around the world.

    By targeting key imports like clean energy components and critical minerals, Trump’s latest trade war threatens to derail climate progress, drive up costs for renewable energy and push the United States further into fossil fuel dependence. The damage is real and the consequences could be catastrophic.

    Tariffs could hamper climate change efforts.

    The implementation of broad tariffs is poised to significantly hinder efforts against climate change and weaken environmental legislation. Here’s how:​

    Disruption of clean energy supply chains: The tariffs, particularly those targeting imports from China like steel, aluminium and lithium directly affect the availability and cost of clean technology components. For instance, the United States imports a substantial amount of lithium batteries from China — $1.9 billion worth in December 2024 alone. Increased tariffs on these imports could raise costs for renewable energy projects and electric vehicles, slowing the transition to cleaner energy sources. ​

    The energy sector is already grappling with shortages of essential parts. New tariffs exacerbate this issue, making it more challenging to procure necessary components for renewable energy infrastructure. This could delay projects and increase reliance on fossil fuels, counteracting efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. ​

    Strain on environmental initiatives: The stock market’s negative reaction to the tariff announcements, with the Dow Jones dropping nearly 1,700 points and erasing approximately $3.1 trillion in market value, indicates broader economic instability. Such financial turmoil can lead to reduced funding and support for environmental programs, as both public and private sectors may prioritize immediate economic concerns over long-term environmental goals. ​

    As Trump imposes tariffs, his administration is also rolling back environmental protections. His Environmental Protection Agency is now questioning a key 2009 ruling that classifies greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide as harmful to human health. If the courts overturn it, this could weaken U.S. climate laws and make it harder to fight climate change.

    Unintended consequences

    While Trump’s tariffs largely threaten climate progress in the United States, they could have unintended environmental benefits elsewhere.

    Boosting green manufacturing in other countries: If U.S. tariffs make Chinese solar panels, batteries and EV components more expensive, other countries — especially in Europe, India and Latin America — may ramp up their own clean energy production. China itself may increase investment and focus on domestic EV adoption, hydrogen technology or battery recycling. 

    This could lead to a more diversified and resilient global supply chain for renewable technologies, while also strengthening domestic energy resilience by encouraging countries to develop and secure their own clean energy resources, reducing reliance on foreign imports.

    Strengthening regional trade alliances for green tech: With the imposing trade barriers, countries looking to avoid tariffs might strengthen regional partnerships, such as the EU-India green energy collaboration or China’s push to supply African and Latin American markets with solar and wind technology. This could decentralize the clean energy economy, reducing reliance on any single country.

    Reducing export-driven deforestation: If tariffs make U.S. imports of commodities like beef, palm oil and timber more expensive, countries that export these products (e.g., Brazil, Indonesia) may face declining demand. Less demand equals less incentive to clear forests for agriculture.

    On the other hand, the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR), adopted in June 2023, aims to block imports of commodities linked to deforestation unless they can be verified as deforestation-free. The EU is a huge consumer of these commodities. 

    With two major markets (U.S. and EU) becoming less profitable for deforestation-linked goods, exporters might change their practices to comply with stricter regulations. This could encourage more sustainable supply chains.

    However, this would depend on whether other countries, like China, pick up the slack and implement EUDR-like regulations.

    Backing off petroleum

    If trade wars escalate and tariffs disrupt global markets, long-term investments in fossil fuel projects could become riskier due to economic uncertainty. Tariffs on fossil fuel-related goods — like equipment, machinery or raw materials — can increase production costs for oil and gas companies. 

    As the cost of extraction, refining and transportation rises, companies could face shrinking profit margins, making fossil fuel investments less appealing. This, and shifting focus to clean energy, might push investors toward renewables, which are increasingly seen as more stable and future-proof.

    There’s a catch: These benefits depend on how other countries respond. If the U.S. tariffs cause economic slowdowns, some nations might double down on fossil fuels to stabilize their economies. So while tariffs could have some green silver linings, they’re more of a chaotic wildcard than a deliberate climate strategy.

    While the tariffs imposed by the Trump administration present significant challenges to global climate efforts, they also create opportunities for positive change. The disruptions in the clean energy supply chain, economic instability and rollbacks of environmental protections are certainly concerning. However, the unintended side effects of these actions might just catalyze a shift in global energy dynamics.

    In the long run, this “chaotic wildcard” could make fossil fuel investments riskier and accelerate the global pivot toward renewables. Countries and industries could be forced to innovate and adapt faster than expected. 

    While the path ahead may seem uncertain, there’s a silver lining: resilience, innovation and adaptability are key to overcoming these challenges. As the world adjusts to these new realities, the opportunity to cultivate a cleaner, more sustainable future is within reach — if leaders recognize this moment and take bold action to seize it. 

    So, while the road ahead may be bumpy, there is still reason to hope and act. 


     

    Questions to consider:

    1. How can governments turn the economic disruptions caused by tariffs into opportunities for advancing clean energy and climate goals?

    2. How can a decentralization of green energy technology be a good thing? 

    3. How can government intervention combined with market forces, like the rising cost of fossil fuels, accelerate the transition to renewable energy?


     

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  • Harvard Resists Trump’s Demands

    Harvard Resists Trump’s Demands

    Erin Clark/The Boston Globe/Getty Images

    Harvard University is pushing back on demands from the Trump administration calling for a long list of institutional reforms in response to alleged antisemitism and civil rights violations on campus.

    Nearly $9 billion in federal contracts and grants hang in the balance at the institution amid a review the administration announced last month, alleging the university has mishandled instances of antisemitic harassment on campus.

    President Alan Garber said Monday that the institution will not accept the administration’s agreement, writing that Harvard “will not surrender its independence or relinquish its constitutional rights.”

    Hours later, the Joint Task Force to Combat Anti-Semitism announced a freeze on $2.2 billion in multiyear grant funding for the institution and $60 million in multiyear contracts.

    The Trump administration presented Harvard with at least two demand letters, the first on April 3 and another on Friday. The letters call for changes to governance, hiring and admissions, a ban on masks, and more, including greater scrutiny of international applicants to exclude “students supportive of terrorism or anti-Semitism,” according to one letter.

    “Harvard has in recent years failed to live up to both the intellectual and civil rights conditions that justify federal investment. But we appreciate your expression of commitment to repairing those failures and welcome your collaboration in restoring the University to its promise,” top officials at the General Services Administration, U.S. Department of Education and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services wrote in Friday’s letter to Harvard leadership.

    Friday’s letter also called for a mask ban; a shutdown of all diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives; and the reformation of multiple programs “with egregious records of antisemitism or other bias.” Targets include Harvard’s Divinity School, Graduate School of Education, School of Public Health, Medical School, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, the Harvard Law School International Human Rights Clinic and several others.

    The administration also called for the university to “commission an external party, which shall satisfy the federal government as to its competence and good faith, to audit those programs and departments that most fuel antisemitic harassment or reflect ideological capture.”

    In a public letter to the Harvard community, Garber rejected the sweeping demands.

    “Late Friday night, the administration issued an updated and expanded list of demands, warning that Harvard must comply if we intend to ‘maintain [our] financial relationship with the federal government.’ It makes clear that the intention is not to work with us to address antisemitism in a cooperative and constructive manner,” Garber wrote. “Although some of the demands outlined by the government are aimed at combating antisemitism, the majority represent direct governmental regulation of the ‘intellectual conditions’ at Harvard.”

    Garber’s letter rejecting Trump’s demands also included a link to the legal response sent to the federal government, which noted changes to campus policies and “new accountability procedures” introduced at the university over the course of the last 15 months.

    “It is unfortunate, then, that your letter disregards Harvard’s efforts and instead presents demands that, in contravention of the First Amendment, invade university freedoms long recognized by the Supreme Court,” lawyers representing the university wrote in response.

    In addition to freezing more than $2 billion in federal funding, the joint task force responded to the institution’s rejection, saying, “Harvard’s statement today reinforces the troubling entitlement mindset that is endemic in our nation’s most prestigious universities and colleges—that federal investment does not come with the responsibility to uphold civil rights laws.”

    Harvard’s pushback is a rare repudiation of Trump from an individual institution. While various associations and faculty groups have spoken up on the federal government’s attacks on higher education, most college presidents have been silent, even at targeted institutions. (Only a few, such as Princeton University president Christopher Eisgruber, have publicly expressed concerns.)

    Last month Columbia University yielded to a sweeping list of similar demands, despite concerns by various legal scholars, as the Trump administration froze $400 million in federal research funding. Since then, Columbia interim president Katrina Armstrong has stepped down and the U.S. National Institutes of Health have frozen another $250 million in funding, despite the agreement. While Education Secretary Linda McMahon has said Columbia is on the “right track” to restore funding, that hasn’t happened yet, and the federal government is reportedly seeking more oversight.

    Dozens of colleges across the nation—including others in the Ivy League—are also facing investigations into alleged antisemitism and other issues, including race-based programs or scholarships and the participation of transgender athletes in intercollegiate athletics.

    Universities that have had their federal funding targeted include Cornell University (more than $1 billion), Northwestern University ($790 million), Brown University ($510 million), Princeton University ($210 million) and the University of Pennsylvania ($175 million).

    Harvard’s rebuttal to the federal government comes as the university plans to issue $750 million in bonds, which a spokesperson told Inside Higher Ed was “part of ongoing contingency planning for a range of financial circumstances.” Princeton is also issuing $320 million in bonds this spring.

    Harvard faculty have also taken legal action against the Trump administration.

    The Harvard chapter of the American Association of University Professors filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration on Friday alleging that the review of Harvard’s funds was an illegal exploitation of the Civil Rights Act and an effort to impose political views upon the institution.

    The lawsuit alleged that the Trump administration’s “unlawful actions have already caused severe and irreparable harm by halting academic research and inquiry at Harvard, including in areas that have no relation whatsoever to charges of antisemitism or other civil rights violations.”

    Harvard’s AAUP chapter also signed a lawsuit last month with other faculty groups pushing back on the Trump administration’s efforts to arrest and deport pro-Palestinian student activists.

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  • Globalization peaked before Trump’s tariffs

    Globalization peaked before Trump’s tariffs

    “The Russian invasion of Ukraine has put an end to the globalization we have experienced over the last three decades,” according to Larry Fink, the boss of BlackRock, the world’s largest asset manager.

    If Fink means an end to the cross-border movement of goods, services, money and data, he is almost surely wrong. Economies are too intertwined to make economic self-sufficiency an option; the advances in computing that underpin global manufacturing, logistics and markets cannot be “uninvented.”

    But if he means the war could turn out to be the high-water mark for globalization, Fink is on firmer ground.

    The shockwaves Moscow’s war has touched off are likely to prompt firms to re-examine their supply chains and bring more business closer to home, even if that means lower profits.

    The trend towards greater economic self-reliance will have far-reaching consequences. Shifting production away from emerging economies will be costly, boosting inflation.

    But it will also create well-paid manufacturing jobs, reducing income inequality. Overall growth will suffer as efficiency is sacrificed for economic security, but neglected post-industrial regions could get a new lease on life.

    Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will accelerate trends.

    Signs that globalization is past its peak were mounting before the West curtailed economic links with Russia.

    Notably, COVID-19 highlighted the drawbacks of outsourcing manufacturing to the other side of the world; the West relied heavily during the pandemic on China for medical kit and basic personal protective equipment such as face masks.

    Likewise, as economies have bounced back from the pandemic, factories in Asia have struggled to meet red-hot demand, clogging up global supply chains for everything from building materials to bicycle parts.

    Policymakers have been especially shocked to learn just how badly the West depends on Asia, principally Taiwan, for computer chips.

    The upshot is a push by governments to encourage companies to build factories at home (“reshoring”), in neighbouring countries (“nearshoring”) or in countries that are political allies (“friendshoring,” US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen’s neologism.)

    Thus, Intel is investing $36 billion to boost chip-making in Europe, including a pair of factories in Germany, and another $20 billion on two new plants in Ohio, while Apple has started manufacturing iPhones in India, reducing its dependence on China.

    The invasion of Ukraine can only magnify these trends.

    Sanctions on Russia form part of a trend.

    Europe, in particular, has been made painfully aware that it counts on Russia for about a quarter of its oil imports and 40% of its natural gas imports.

    Similarly, countries in North Africa, the Middle East and South Asia are perilously dependent on grain supplies from Russia (and Ukraine). Governments are scrambling to diversify supplies and find ways to hold down fast-rising prices.

    Sanctions on Russia speak for themselves, given Moscow’s naked aggression. But they form part of a pattern.

    Western governments have been increasingly willing to use trade and investment policies to try to get recalcitrant countries to change their ways. China has been the main target, and globalization has been the casualty.

    Exhibit A is the tariffs imposed on imports from China by former U.S. President Donald Trump and maintained by his successor, Joe Biden, aimed at persuading Beijing to end subsidies and intellectual property abuses that, in Washington’s eyes, give Chinese companies an unfair advantage.

    But Washington wants a lot more than a level playing field for trade.

    It regards China as a growing threat to America’s military, economic and geopolitical dominance and wants to slow its rise. Hence a slew of restrictions on technology exports to companies deemed to have links to the Chinese military, as well as steps to deter Americans from investing in China and vice versa. European policy is moving in the same direction.

    At the same time, Chinese leader Xi Jinping has proclaimed a policy of “dual circulation” that boils down to China relying more on its domestic market for growth and less on export demand. Foreign companies in China report a distinctly chillier business environment.

    No wonder, then, that some are scaling back in China, especially as labour costs are rising.

    The heyday of globalization may be over.

    Moving production to countries like Vietnam can be seen as an extension of globalization, not the end of it.

    But China remains the key link in global supply chains thanks to its unrivalled manufacturing scale. So any weakening of this link supports the case that the heyday of globalization — if defined as the quest for maximum production efficiency — is over.

    Many analysts go further and conclude that the U.S. and Chinese economies are decoupling and could end up forming, and dominating, their own economic blocs with separate trade alliances and digital standards.

    If China’s tacit support for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine leads to closer trade, energy and political ties between Beijing and Moscow, the splintering of the global economy will only get worse. Other countries could be forced to take sides.

    “Much like the pandemic, the invasion of Ukraine will deepen the global rift between U.S.-led rules-based economies and their authoritarian adversaries,” according to Diana Choyleva, chief economist at Enodo Economics in London.

    A tell-tale sign that decoupling is for real will be if China makes progress in its long-standing aim to reduce its dependence on the U.S. dollar and persuades global investors and central banks to make more use of its own currency, the renminbi, in trade, investment and financial markets.

    For now, the dollar shows no sign of losing its lustre. But until recently few were predicting the retreat of globalization. Russian President Vladimir Putin has piloted the world economy and political order into uncharted waters.


    Three questions to consider:

    1. Has globalization been good for the man in the street in rich countries and in developing economies?
    2. Why doesn’t Apple make iPhones in the United States or in Europe?
    3. Are Western consumers willing to take the economic pain that a ban on importing Russian oil and gas would involve?


     

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  • Jewish Studies Can’t Be a Pawn in Trump’s Attacks (opinion)

    Jewish Studies Can’t Be a Pawn in Trump’s Attacks (opinion)

    This administration’s purported war against campus antisemitism is in fact a crusade against the rights of free expression, academic freedom and due process for everyone involved in higher education in the United States. Those of us in the fields of Jewish and Israel studies strenuously object to being used as pawns in the administration’s venal political games. Threats to cut government-funded research and the deportations of protesters without due process are not solutions to campus tensions and will just intensify the existing polarization.

    Teaching about Israel or any contemporary Jewish topic has become a minefield over the past several years. On one side we face campus members who boycott or ostracize anyone who comes from Israel and any academic unit that has “Israel” in its name. On the other side are those within and beyond the academic community whose expectations of advocacy and activism for Israel contradict the scholarly ethos that most of us share.

    The campus climate has become difficult to endure for many Jewish students, staff and faculty. The number of tracked antisemitic incidents has skyrocketed since the Hamas terror attack of Oct. 7, 2023, and the start of Israel’s Gaza war. Muslim and Palestinian campus members have also been targeted in violent ways. Several task force reports have concluded that, in many cases, university leaders responded inadequately to incidents of campus antisemitism and Islamophobia.

    The field of Israel studies has become a target in the campus battles. Today, our events often can take place only under police protection, lectures on Israel are disrupted and antisemitic tropes are used in activists’ fights against Zionism and Israel. Many Israel and Jewish studies faculty have faced internal boycotts and the refusal of colleagues to engage in any communication. As the director of American University’s Center for Israel Studies, I can testify that my colleagues across the country and I are neither activists for a cause nor spokespersons for a government.

    Just as an American studies professor should not be held responsible for the actions of the U.S. government, Israel studies professors should not be associated with the actions of the Israeli government. Our job in Israel studies is to teach critically about Israel, just as scholars of Arab studies are supposed to teach critically about the Arab world and scholars of China about China. Our task is to educate and to present a variety of viewpoints and narratives to our students. We present Israel in all its diversity, which includes its Jewish citizens with ancestry in Europe, the Americas, the Arab world and Ethiopia, as well as the Palestinian citizens, who make up about 20 percent of Israel’s population.

    We need to take a clear stance when academics are ostracized and boycotted for the actions of their government or of the country they study instead of for their individual positions. We need to make sure that there is a healthy campus climate and no tolerance for any form of antisemitism, racism or Islamophobia. But we need to fix this without external interventions and threats to our academic freedom.

    The case against Columbia University, my own alma mater, is just one in a series of attempts in which the Trump administration has used Jewish students and faculty as pawns in its own attack on the higher education system in this country. Recently, the Department of Education notified 60 universities that they may face enforcement actions for failing to protect Jewish students from antisemitic harassment.

    Columbia conceded to the Trump administration’s demands after the cancellation of $400 million in government grants and contracts. Among other things, Columbia’s leadership pledged to adopt a formal definition of antisemitism, to hire an internal security force that will be empowered to make arrests and to place the university’s Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies Department under the oversight of a senior vice provost.

    Our students are not protected by cutting research programs, and our programs have no intention to thrive at the expense of others. The fight against antisemitism must be waged on our own grounds and within accepted legal parameters. Cracking down on universities is how authoritarian regimes act, not democracies.

    Everyone deserves due process in a democratic society, including and especially those with whom we disagree. We need to fight against bigotry on our campuses, rebuild our campus communities and relearn civic dialogue by preserving our academic freedoms.

    Michael Brenner is Distinguished Professor of History and director of the Center for Israel Studies at American University in Washington, D.C., and professor of Jewish history and culture at Ludwig Maximilian University in Munich.

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  • Historians Defend Smithsonian After Trump’s Order

    Historians Defend Smithsonian After Trump’s Order

    The American Historical Association says that President Trump’s executive order targeting the Smithsonian Institution “egregiously misrepresents the work” of the organization and “completely misconstrues the nature of historical work.”

    In the executive order issued late last week, Trump criticized what he saw as “a concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our Nation’s history” that replaces “objective facts with a distorted narrative driven by ideology rather than truth.”

    The order cites an exhibit at the American Art Museum that examines the “role of sculpture in understanding and constructing the concept of race in the United States,” according to the museum’s website. The order also notes that the “National Museum of African American History and Culture has proclaimed that ‘hard work,’ ‘individualism,’ and ‘the nuclear family’ are aspects of ‘White culture.’”

    The order, titled “Restoring Truth And Sanity To American History,” puts Vice President JD Vance in charge of ensuring that Smithsonian museums, research centers and the National Zoo don’t put on exhibits or programs that “degrade shared American values, divide Americans based on race.”

    The AHA defended the work of historians in the statement released Monday, adding that “historians explore the past to understand how our nation has evolved.”

    “Our goal is neither criticism nor celebration; it is to understand—to increase our knowledge of—the past in ways that can help Americans to shape the future,” said the statement, which has been signed by 16 other organizations. “By providing a history with the integrity necessary to enable all Americans to be all they can possibly be, the Smithsonian is fulfilling its duty to all of us.”

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  • Columbia’s Katrina Armstrong Resigns Amid Trump’s Attacks

    Columbia’s Katrina Armstrong Resigns Amid Trump’s Attacks

    Sirin Samman/Columbia University

    After agreeing to the Trump administration’s sweeping demands and then appearing to backtrack to faculty, Columbia’s interim president stepped down Friday night—a move that federal officials praised, though it may add to the upheaval at the Ivy League institution that’s facing criticism on multiple fronts, from the federal government to faculty to students.

    Katrina Armstrong, who has served as the interim president since last August, is returning to her previous post leading the institution’s Irving Medical Center, according to the Friday announcement.

    In a brief statement, she said it had been a “singular honor to lead Columbia University in this important and challenging time … But my heart is with science, and my passion is with healing. That is where I can best serve this University and our community moving forward.” Claire Shipman, a former broadcast journalist and a co-chair of Columbia’s Board of Trustees, will take over as acting president while the university begins a nationwide search for a permanent leader.

    The leadership shake-up comes after weeks of turmoil at Columbia as the Trump administration has waged war against the Ivy League institution, stripping it of $400 million in federal contracts for what it calls Columbia’s “continued inaction in the face of persistent harassment” against Jewish students on campus. Trump’s antisemitism task force, which was formed by executive order in early February, then demanded the university implement a number of sweeping reforms, including restructuring its disciplinary process under the Office of the President, expanding the authority of its campus security force and placing its Middle East, South Asian and African Studies department into receivership.

    The university announced a week ago that it would comply with the demands, to the frustration of critics who argued that the demands may be unlawful and that giving in to them undermines academic freedom and free speech. On CNN, Education Secretary Linda McMahon praised Armstrong, saying she had had productive conversations with the then-interim president and that Columbia was “on the right track” to having its funding restored.

    But according to a transcript of a virtual meeting between Armstrong and faculty members obtained by Bari Weiss’s news outlet, The Free Press, Armstrong told faculty members that many of the changes the university had promised the antisemitism task force would not come to pass. She said there would be “no change” to masking and admissions policies, that the MESAAS department wouldn’t be placed into a receivership, and that the disciplinary process would not move under the Office of the President.

    Armstrong seemingly denied those claims in a statement Tuesday, writing, “Let there be no confusion: I commit to seeing these changes implemented, with the full support of Columbia’s senior leadership team and the Board of Trustees … Any suggestion that these measures are illusory, or lack my personal support, is unequivocally false.”

    Her sudden resignation was met with enthusiasm from the federal antisemitism task force, which appeared to imply in a statement released Friday night that her leadership would have impeded the task force’s ability to move toward a resolution with Columbia.

    “The action taken by Columbia’s trustees today, especially in light of this week’s concerning revelation, is an important step toward advancing negotiations as set forth in the pre-conditional understanding reached last Friday between the University and the Task Force to Combat Anti-Semitism,” the statement read.

    While many faculty had strongly opposed Columbia’s choice to give in to the Trump administration’s demands, Armstrong appeared to be generally well-liked among the faculty; in a recent Inside Higher Ed article, Michael Thaddeus, vice president of the campus’s American Association of University Professors chapter, said she was one of the most open leaders he had worked with in his time at Columbia.

    Shipman, now the acting president, also praised Armstrong’s leadership in that article, calling her an “exceptional leader” who “came in to help us heal and get our campus in order” and who is skilled at working under “crisis conditions.”

    But one AAUP leader noted in an email to Inside Higher Ed that, though he was personally surprised that Armstrong stepped down, it will do little to change the AAUP’s ongoing work to oppose Trump’s crusade against higher education.

    “Katrina Armstrong’s resignation changes almost nothing,” wrote Marcel Agüeros, Columbia AAUP’s chapter secretary. “For the past two years, we have been advocating for a greater role for faculty in the decision-making processes of the university. That, and defending our university and all universities against unwanted and likely unlawful interference by the federal government, remains our North Star.”

    The AAUP chapter at Columbia last week sued the Trump administration in an effort to restore the $400 million in funding. The lawsuit argues that the funding freeze was a “coercive tactic” that’s already caused irreparable damage.

    Clare Shipman joined the Columbia board in 2013.

    Shipman will be the third leader of Columbia in nine months; Armstrong took over the role when Minouche Shafik, who had led the New York institution for a little over a year, stepped down in August. Shafik resigned after backlash from both pro-Palestinian students and faculty and Republican lawmakers for how she handled pro-Palestinian encampments at Columbia. Shipman testified before Congress with Shafik last April at a hearing about antisemitism at Columbia.

    “I assume this role with a clear understanding of the serious challenges before us and a steadfast commitment to act with urgency, integrity, and work with our faculty to advance our mission, implement needed reforms, protect our students, and uphold academic freedom and open inquiry,” Shipman said in a news release. “Columbia’s new permanent president, when that individual is selected, will conduct an appropriate review of the University’s leadership team and structure to ensure we are best positioned for the future.”

    In a statement, Rep. Tim Walberg, the Michigan Republican who chairs the House Education and the Workforce Committee, warned, “Ms. Shipman, while we wish you all good success, we will be watching closely.”



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  • Trump’s Growing Crackdown of Dissenters on Campus

    Trump’s Growing Crackdown of Dissenters on Campus

    In recent weeks, a growing number of international students and green card holders at prestigious universities, including Cornell, Columbia, Georgetown, and Tufts, have been arrested and detained by federal immigration authorities. These actions appear to be part of a broader crackdown on pro-Palestinian activism within U.S. academic institutions and against dissent in general.  

    Tufts University

    On March 26, 2025, Rumeysa Ozturk, a Turkish doctoral student at Tufts University, was detained by federal agents who revoked her student visa. Ozturk had co-authored an op-ed in the Tufts student newspaper condemning investments in companies linked to Israel and referring to the “Palestinian genocide” in Gaza. Her detention occurred as she was heading to an iftar dinner during Ramadan.

    Columbia University

    Earlier this month, Mahmoud Khalil, a lawful permanent resident and recent graduate of Columbia University, was arrested in his university housing. Khalil’s participation in pro-Palestinian protests led to allegations of supporting Hamas, resulting in the revocation of his green card. He is currently detained while challenging the deportation order.

    Subsequently, Yunseo Chung, a 21-year-old Columbia junior from South Korea holding a green card, was targeted for deportation due to her involvement in similar protests. A federal judge issued a temporary restraining order preventing her detention while she contests the deportation order.

    Georgetown University

    Badar Khan Suri, a Georgetown University postdoctoral fellow on a student visa, was detained on March 17, 2025, under accusations of spreading Hamas propaganda and promoting antisemitism. His attorney disputes these claims, suggesting that Suri is being targeted because of his Palestinian wife’s heritage and their perceived opposition to U.S. foreign policy.

    Cornell University

    Momodou Taal, a Cornell graduate student with dual British and Gambian citizenship, was instructed to surrender to ICE authorities on March 22, 2025. Taal’s legal team preemptively filed a lawsuit challenging the deportation order, citing concerns over potential surveillance and targeting due to his activism.

    These incidents have raised significant concerns among civil rights organizations, university officials, and international communities. Critics argue that the Trump administration’s actions infringe upon First Amendment rights and target individuals based on their political views. In response, legal challenges are underway, with courts issuing orders to halt certain deportations and detentions.

    As this situation develops, universities and advocacy groups continue to monitor and respond to the evolving landscape of immigration enforcement affecting international students and green card holders across the nation.

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