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  • The state of sector finances, 2024–25

    The state of sector finances, 2024–25

    It is difficult to think of a UK higher education provider that is not showing some signs of financial stress.

    The choice (in England, Scotland and Northern Ireland at least – Welsh provider financial accounts will turn up in the next few weeks) appears to be running a much smaller surplus (or, increasingly – in 44 cases we have seen so far – a deficit), or making the kind of savings that require radical changes to the size and shape of the provider: losing courses, departments, and staff – or storing up maintenance and compliance costs to cause problems in future years.

    It’s a perilous moment: even though there is evidence that providers are driving up revenue and cutting non-staff costs, we’re clearly cutting into bone at this point. And this is (unless managed very carefully) to the likely detriment of applicant choice and the student experience.

    Key financial trends

    On the face of it, it is the rising cost of employing staff that is doing the damage. Just about every provider has seen these costs rise, with larger post-92s hit particularly hard. The reasons are well known – an increase to employer National Insurance Contributions (NICs) from the spring of last year, and the impact of the (uncompensated) increase to employer contributions to the Teachers’ Pension Scheme (TPS). Staff cost rises also correlate with the likelihood that a provider is running a deficit – places in that situation are also likely to have seen a substantial rise in cost per FTE.

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    Note: for both the staff costs related calculations on this chart I have removed the impact of pension provisions movements, as is usually the practice.

    Several providers have seen decreases in international fee income, linked to declining recruitment and the need to freeze or drop fees to remain competitive. There are also visible issues with home fees among less selective providers. Overall, it appears that larger mid-tariff providers are seeing the worst of both worlds.

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    There is no type of provider that appears to be safe from declines in income, increases in expenditure, or any other indicator of a worsening position – the current financial squeeze is no respecter of status or prestige.

    There has been some concern among commentators and consultants about the availability of finance across the sector – the boom years that followed deregulation of provider borrowing in 2017 have long since passed, and there has been suggestions that borrowing has become more expensive and harder to come by (with tighter covenants) in recent years.

    From what we see in this data this analysis doesn’t hold up in all cases. The sector is paying less, in the main, in interest payments over last year. We see a small number of providers with increased long term borrowing, and a few more that have seemingly been drawing down on revolving credit facilities to meet short term financing needs. But that said, the overall value of finance within the sector has stayed broadly stable even if the cost of finance has grown – with longer term loans slowly turning into medium term as time passes.

    Somewhat counterintuitively, many providers have recorded increases both in cash realised from operating activities and overall income. This is growth rather than savings, and suggests an increasingly commercially focused mindset in realising income from every available source. Of course, overall growth for the sector is a thing of the past – these growths (certainly in terms of fee income and research income) reflect that competitive pressures inevitably lead to winners and losers. The winners are the ones improving their income.

    However, the majority of providers are looking at – at best – a heavily reduced annual surplus over 2023-24. As we’ve noted, some 44 providers where data is available are reporting a deficit for 2024-25, and the majority of these – including three from the Russell Group – were in surplus the previous year.

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    So where does this leave us? England’s new fee cap escalator is designed to cut the graduate decline in the value of home fees. But the kinds of providers that get a large proportion of their income from home undergraduate fees are also those that are struggling to recruit in an increasingly competitive environment, so we can by no means see the increase as something that will make positions less perilous in most cases. Don’t get me wrong – it is a welcome change in fortune for universities after years of fee freezes.

    The issue as I see it is one of rising costs. The marquee example is the increase in NIC contributions and pension contributions that has added such a lot to staff costs, but geopolitical instability adds a lot to the cost of pretty much everything. Non-staff costs are less painful for universities to manage, but these are the kinds of things that make the experience of being on campus less pleasant and work harder to do. We know that universities are postponing or critically examining spending on everything from maintenance, to consumables, to subscriptions: a trend that means that non-staff costs are staying stable, but that trouble is being stored up for later.

    It almost goes without saying that individual providers are experiencing these, and other, pressures in their own way. This last dashboard is a quick way of looking at all the available data for a single provider (note that I’ve removed Staff FTE from this view in order to make things easier to read).

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    These are all as published in provider financial statements (so will include the impact of pensions position movement within fields related to staff expenditure and thus expenditure more generally. If your provider is not featured it is because the statement was not available at the time of publication.

    Where the data comes from

    Ordinarily, we’d have to wait for the release of HESA Finance data – which usually appears in the late spring for the majority of providers with financial years ending in July – to get a sense of the way the sector is facing increasingly challenging headwinds.

    When the HESA data does finally appear, it refers to the previous (2024-25) financial year: which, given that it arrives a few months before the end of 2025-26’s cycle, is not all that helpful in understanding the current state of the sector.

    Why the delay? It’s a fair question, given that providers are required to publish detailed financial statements just five months or so after the end of the year in question and submit data to the regulator at the same time. The secret ingredient is validation. This bit of the process offers providers the chance to check (and if needed, update) data before it is published, which would include derived fields (calculations carried out by the data collector, for instance the Key Financial Indicators stuff).

    Last year, Wonkhe transcribed key data from a bunch of published statements to develop a sector-level financial dashboard as early as January. This year we have rather more fields, allowing us to draw on 132 published financial statements from large-to-medium sized providers in England, Scotland, and Northern Ireland.

    This is what was available to us at the time of publication – all we can say for certain about missing providers is that there has been a delay in publishing their financial statements, which could be down to the capacity of external auditors or a rethinking of future plans.

    I’ve also done a small amount of analysis myself – both in terms of comparison with the previous year (2023-24) of data, and expressing items as proportions of total income or total expenditure. If those are incorrect, it is entirely my fault.

    Those keen to analyse further should take a look at the fabulous BUFDG Guide to Understanding University Finance – which includes definitions of key terms and derivations of common calculations. The danger of choosing one figure to explain an institution’s, or the sector’s, financial position is reduced but the danger of misinterpreting financial information remains unless readers take some time to understand how the figures fit together. Readers will also benefit from returning to the source of the data – the published financial statements – for the full context.

    Transparency helps

    At this stage, early data on the financial travails of UK higher education is essential for anyone in policy circles looking to address problems with limited public funds. It is good to see regulators (including OfS in England) gathering and presenting – in aggregate – in year data to inform these efforts.

    Data from annual financial statements is often the most up-to-date financial information available to staff who work in the institution in question. It is nearly a year old by the time it arrives in validated form via HESA, and of course refers to the previous year of activity. The alternative is an exercise like this – giving us a necessarily incomplete and caveated picture (though the addition of further data points as they become available will improve things).

    What’s indisputable is that all kinds of people are concerned about the financial health of higher education providers – and there’s not really any way that suspicions and uncharitable interpretations can get addressed other than by honesty, transparency, and prompt disclosure. Fundamentally, people are going to plough through accounts and pick out interesting numbers anyway: the best defence against this is to provide an easy-to-use and reliable resource and support that with information to aid interpretation.

    For the benefit of the sector, it feels to me as if we need to get better at getting usable and comparable summaries of published data out as quickly as we can.

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  • Is Abbott going to destroy Texan Higher education? – Dr Simon Paul Atkinson (PFHEA)

    Is Abbott going to destroy Texan Higher education? – Dr Simon Paul Atkinson (PFHEA)

    Grok generated image

    On January 27, Texas Governor Greg Abbott issued a directive freezing all new H-1B visa applications for state agencies, including public universities and colleges. Abbott framed the decision as a “Texans first” policy, arguing that specialized roles should be filled by local citizens rather than foreign workers.

    He also ordered state institutions to provide comprehensive data on current H-1B employees, including their countries of origin and visa expiration dates, to investigate potential overstays.

    Impact on Higher Education and Economy

    Educational leaders and national organizations, such as NAFSA and the President’s Alliance on Higher Education (PAHE), have expressed deep alarm. They argue the freeze will:

    Undermine Innovation: Critics note that H-1B holders, while representing a small fraction of faculty (e.g., 4.8% at Texas A&M), contribute outsized value to research and medical centers.

    Harm Competitiveness: High federal fees (recently increased to $100,000) already create barriers; further state restrictions may drive global talent to other states or countries.

    Damage Student Experience: Educators warn that removing specialized experts diminishes the quality of teaching and research available to students.

    Political Context and Rhetoric

    The move is seen as a “nationalist pose” aligned with broader Republican immigration strategies. Abbott explicitly linked the H-1B freeze to federal efforts to remove certain non-citizens from the country. Despite H-1B holders being legal residents who undergo rigorous background checks, Abbott’s rhetoric has linked them to the “illegal immigration” crisis, suggesting they may be “criminals” or “overstaying” without providing evidence.

    Human and Social Toll

    Beyond the economic impact, the directive has created a culture of “belonging uncertainty” on campuses. Faculty members report feeling scapegoated and disrespected, while international and minority students feel increasingly vulnerable. Critics contend the order prioritizes a political agenda over the social contract of academic merit, ultimately weakening the state’s “economic engines.”

    This could be disastrous for Texan HE if it holds.

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  • Sector rejects proposed ATEC legislation – Campus Review

    Sector rejects proposed ATEC legislation – Campus Review

    The peak university body has said the proposed Australian Tertiary Education Commission (ATEC) is not what was promised and could be ineffective in leading universities towards a more equitable system.

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  • How universities will be assessed on antisemitism – Campus Review

    How universities will be assessed on antisemitism – Campus Review

    Universities will be given ‘report cards’ and assessed on how antisemitism is dealt with in new measures designed to ensure the safety of students and staff after the December 14 Bondi terror attack.

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  • Committing to lifelong learners – Campus Review

    Committing to lifelong learners – Campus Review

    Mortar Caps Data Standard chief executive Charlsey Pearce has lead an innovation project around data standards for human capability records that support lifelong learning and tertiary harmonisation.

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  • How This School Chef Is Building Healthy Habits One Vegetable at a Time – The 74

    How This School Chef Is Building Healthy Habits One Vegetable at a Time – The 74


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    The students at Circle City Prep aren’t big fans of squash – no matter which type their school chef makes. But they do like brussels sprouts.

    Tracey Couillard, lead chef at the school, leans on her days working in Indianapolis restaurants to come up with ways to cook with vegetables and fruits that might be new to the students.

    It’s all about “making sure we are intentional about what we are offering, and not just throwing spaghetti at a wall to make it stick,” said Couillard, who started her job a year ago.

    The school’s kitchen is a Next Course Cafeteria through A Longer Table, a nonprofit formerly known as the Patachou Foundation which aims to make sure all students have access to good food. The organization partners with schools to have cafeterias that serve fresh and scratch-made foods. At Circle City Prep, Couillard leads a kitchen team of six other people to prepare scratch-made food for breakfast and lunch for more than 430 students that include fresh vegetables and fruits as well as daily salads.

    What students are eating is also getting attention at the statehouse where house lawmakers advanced a bill to ban foods with certain food dyes and additives from public schools that participate in a “federally funded or assisted meal program.” The bill also requires schools to post a menu and ingredients online.

    At Circle City Prep, Couillard said the fresh foods help students build healthy habits both inside and outside of school. And it’s led her to build relationships with students too.

    “Sometimes kids will be in a sad spot and ask if I can have lunch with them, so then I sit with them and let them talk and let them share their feelings because there are a lot of big feelings between kindergarten and eighth grade,” she said.

    Chalkbeat talked to Couillard about her daily routine, what makes her cafeteria special, and the biggest thing she’s learned on the job.

    This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

    What led you to become the lead chef at Circle City Prep?

    I was in the Army National Guard for 20 years, and after I retired from the guard, I started working in restaurants around Indianapolis and did that for about 12 years.

    This opportunity popped up at a time when I needed a change, and I honestly didn’t know if it was going to be for me. Working in restaurants with adults is very different than working in a school kitchen with kids from kindergarten to eighth grade as your primary customers

    But the kids are the best part. I’ve got kids that come into my office when they are having a bad day, and they build Legos while I’m working on something. I’ve got a couple of kids who come in after school and do extra practice on their reading.

    I get a lot of joy and feel like I’m actually doing something helpful and making a positive difference in kids’ days.

    Tell me about the meals you make at the school.

    It’s mostly all from scratch and we do a lot of our own sauces. We’re very mindful of sodium, fat, and sugar to make sure we are serving good healthy foods for the kids to eat. Students have fresh vegetables and fruit. Every day they have a different salad option.

    I started a program at the beginning of the school year to introduce them to new fresh fruits and new fresh vegetables, just trying to broaden their horizons.

    At first, they were apprehensive because it’s something new but now, the kids get really excited about it, they are really invested in it.

    How has the food made an impact on students?

    They eat more vegetables now when they are coming through lunch, and that’s just good fuel for their bodies and their minds. They’re more willing to try something new too. It’s shocking to me how many kids I see with salads compared to last year because it’s just different exposure.

    When they ask their people at home to cook something we had at school and it doesn’t taste the same, they’ll ask if I can share a recipe with their parents on how we do it so it tastes like it does here, which is really cool.

    What does a typical day look like for you?

    My day starts between 6:30 and 7 a.m. I check out the breakfast stations and make sure they are set, and oftentimes I’ll be walking the halls while the kids are coming in, touching base with them and making sure they are getting their breakfast.

    I sit in on late breakfast. There are kids that come in late almost every day so they are already a little behind the curve. I sit down with them, make sure they have a good breakfast and their mind is set to jump in and go to class. I’m trying to be a positive touchpoint for them when they are starting their day.

    In between breakfast and lunch, we are prepping. And at lunch, I’m helping kids move through the line, making sure that they have all the items they need on their tray to have a good meal.

    What do you want people to know about what it’s like to have a cafeteria that emphasizes fresh foods?

    They have to look at the kids as they are an investment. We are able to run a fully staffed kitchen and feed breakfast and lunch to more than 430 kids a day, and we are operating a scratch-based kitchen in the black.

    You can run a successful school kitchen without using all of the processed foods, it takes practice, and it takes a certain amount of skill that maybe you wouldn’t expect from a school cafeteria.

    But it’s an investment in the future. You are building healthy food habits and eating habits and trying to develop healthy relationships for kids with food. I’m teaching kids that good food can taste good.

    What do you want to do next?

    I would love to have a hydroponic garden in the cafeteria space. I would love to have a little green space where we can grow veggies and fruits and things like that. Because we serve salads every day, so how cool would it be to have lettuce growing in our cafeteria? The kids could see this is what is actually nourishing our bodies and this is how it grows to develop more of that connection of where does the food come from and how does it get to our plate.

    What have you learned doing this job?

    You don’t understand how much of an impact you can have on somebody else’s day. And you don’t always see that impact with adults, but it’s really easy to see that with kids. You can see their whole day shift with just a “Hey, how are ya? You good?”

    You give them two minutes and those little time investments make a difference. That’s the biggest thing I’ve learned because it’s not hard to make somebody smile and share a little joy.

    Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.


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  • If We Care About Learning, We Must Care About Kids’ Oral Health – The 74

    If We Care About Learning, We Must Care About Kids’ Oral Health – The 74


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    In our country, conversations about improving student performance typically focus on curriculum standards, class size, testing, teacher pay and school technology. These debates are certainly important, but they overlook a quieter factor that affects learning every single day: children’s oral health.

    As a practicing dentist in Montclair, California, I regularly see children whose ability to learn is undermined by untreated dental disease. They arrive in pain, exhausted from poor sleep, unable to concentrate and often embarrassed to smile or speak. These children are not outliers. They represent a widespread and preventable problem that directly affects academic success.

    The connection between oral health and school performance is well-documented. A 2019 meta-analysis found that children with one or more untreated decayed teeth were significantly more likely to have poor academic performance and higher absenteeism rates than children without dental issues. Additional studies consistently show that dental problems are linked to lower grades, difficulty completing homework and reduced psychosocial well-being.

    This relationship is easy to understand. Dental pain interferes with sleep, nutrition, focus and emotional regulation. A child who spends the night awake with a toothache will struggle to pay attention the next day, if they even reach school. According to a study published in the American Journal of Public Health, children with poor oral health were nearly three times as likely to miss school as their healthy counterparts.

    Moreover, a child who feels embarrassed by visible dental issues may avoid participating in class or reading aloud. All the data lead us to the same conclusion: Frequent absences for emergency dental visits cause students to fall behind academically and socially, creating a cycle that becomes harder to break over time.

    Unfortunately, poor oral health disproportionately affects children from low-income families and communities with limited access to dental providers. While California’s Medi-Cal dental coverage exists, low reimbursement rates and provider shortages mean many families struggle to find timely care. In 2022, fewer than half of children enrolled in Medi-Cal received a preventive dental visit. I regularly hear the same story from these distressed parents. They called several offices before finding one that accepts Medi-Cal patients or has open appointments within weeks or even months.

    As a result, minor dental issues often turn into painful infections that disrupt school attendance and learning. This is particularly concerning given that dental caries is the most chronic disease among children in the United States. When combined with socioeconomic disadvantage, limited access to care, and poor oral health becomes a serious public health issue. Across California, Hispanic children are almost twice as likely as white children to experience untreated cavities.

    If decision makers are serious about improving educational outcomes, oral health must be treated as part of the educational system, not as an optional or separate medical concern. School-based dental programs can play a critical role by providing preventive services, early screenings, fluoride treatments, and sealants directly where children already are.

    Dental assistant Leslie Hernandez applies fluoride varnish to a preschooler’s teeth at a dental clinic visit to a school. (Getty Images)

    A great example of good practice is the Virtual Dental Home program in California. It is a demonstration project testing the delivery of health-related services and information via telecommunications technologies. Dental hygienists and assistants go to community sites such as schools, Head Start programs, day care centers and nursing homes to conduct exams and collect diagnostic information. Then the dentist uses the collected data to advise the local provider on the needed preventive and routine restorative care.

    When necessary, patients are referred to dental offices for more complex needs. These lower-cost providers meet many of their patients’ oral health needs. Such programs, if funded by MediCal, would drastically reduce absenteeism and catch problems before they become emergencies.

    Access also depends on policy. Policymakers must increase reimbursement rates to enable more dental providers to accept low-income patients, thereby expanding care for families who currently face long wait times or no options at all. Integrating dental screenings into existing school health services, alongside vision and hearing checks, would help ensure that oral health issues are identified early. At the same time, comprehensive oral health education that involves parents, teachers, and caregivers can reinforce prevention at home and in the classroom.

    We would never expect a child with untreated vision problems to succeed without glasses or a child with hearing loss to learn without support. Expecting children to perform academically while experiencing a toothache and infection is no different.

    Education begins with a child who is healthy, comfortable, and able to focus. If we truly care about learning, we must start treating children’s oral health as what it really is: a foundation for academic success, not an afterthought.


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  • WEEKEND READING: One year until the lifelong learning entitlement kicks in – yet only 12% of adults know it is coming

    WEEKEND READING: One year until the lifelong learning entitlement kicks in – yet only 12% of adults know it is coming

    This blog was authored by Rose Stephenson, Director of Policy and Strategy at HEPI.

    In under 12 months’ time, the first cohort of students in England will begin studying courses under the Lifelong Learning Entitlement (LLE).

    The LLE will work as follows:

    • For new learners, the LLE will provide a maximum tuition fee loan equal to four years of study.
    • For returning learners, the amount they can borrow will be reduced depending on the funding they have previously received to support study.
    • Maintenance loans and other forms of financial support will also be available, depending on individual circumstances.
    • Learners will be able to see their loan balance through their own LLE personal account, hosted by the Student Loans Company.
    • This entitlement will replace the current higher education student finance loans and Advanced Learner Loans for Levels 4, 5 and 6 qualifications.

    This streamlines the post-18 student finance system. So far, so good.

    Where it gets a little trickier is this:

    As with the previous finance system, learners can take out a loan for a full qualification; a degree or a higher technical qualification (HTQ) such as a Level 4 higher national certificate (HNC) or a Level 5 higher national diploma (HND).

    However, from January 2027, learners will also be able to take out a loan for:

    • A module or modules from an HTQ course (such as a 30-credit module of an HNC)
    • A module or modules from a full Level 6 qualification (such as a 30-credit module of a degree), providing this degree aligns with the Government’s priority skills needs or Industrial Strategy.

    Loan-based funding for modular higher education study requires a significant change to infrastructure and practice in the sector, and this blog will consider whether these elements are in place to support a concerted move towards modular-based provision.

    In 2021, the Office for Students (OfS) launched the higher education short course trial. (You can read more about this in a previous HEPI blog, here.) It was anticipated that 2,000 learners would take part in this trial. Ultimately, only 125 students took part, and only 41 students took out a loan to access their short-course.

    The trial was evaluated by the Careers Research and Advisory Centre (CRAC) which found that:

    1. There was a lack of clarity on who the target audience was.
    2. There was a lack of public awareness of the availability of short courses.
    3. The lack of an accepted credit transfer mechanism between institutions led to a reduction in the perceived value of modules.
    4. The application process for taking out loans for a short course was cumbersome.
    5. There were challenges with the curriculum development of 30-credit modules. This is not, of course, as straightforward as simply chopping a degree into modules.
    6. Institutions faced financial challenges in recruiting and onboarding students for such a small return.

    The evaluation report for this trial was published in January 2024. So, what has changed in the past two years? Are we any more ready for modular learning than we were then?

    For the modular element of the LLE to be a success, the following needs to happen:

    1. The general public needs to be aware of the LLE.
    2. Modular regulation needs to be robust, risk-based and not lead to institutional disadvantage for trailblazers of this policy.
    3. Learners need to be able to see which modules are available to them

    Let’s look at each of these issues independently.

    Are the general public aware of the LLE?

    One of the issues outlined by the short-course trial was the lack of public awareness of the availability and value of short courses.

    To understand whether this had changed in the run-up to the LLE, we posed a survey question:

    Are you aware of the Lifelong Learning Entitlement? (This is the new method for student loan funding in England, which will come into force in 2027. You will be able to access the equivalent of four years’ worth of student loan funds – minus loans already taken – to use on short courses or modules as well as full qualifications.)

    The research was conducted by Savanta using an online panel of UK respondents. Data were collected as part of a UK-wide omnibus survey between 16th and 19th January, with an overall sample size of 2,126. Data was weighted to be representative of the UK population by age, gender, region and social grade. A screening question was then applied to select respondents living in England, resulting in 1,857 respondents for our question.

    Figure 1 shows the overall results. Only 12% of the adult population of England are aware of the entitlement.

    Figure 1: Awareness of the LLE, all respondents

    There are some caveats to be applied here. First, as the LLE provides loans from Levels 4 to 6, it would be reasonable to expect that applicants may have previously gained a Level 3 qualification. Unfortunately, we could not cut the data to determine awareness based on previous qualification. However, even for learners who are yet to obtain a Level 3 qualification, awareness of the LLE may be advantageous to qualification and career planning.

    Secondly, this omnibus survey covers all adults over the age of 18, and the LLE is only applicable for those up to the age of 60. The data can be analysed by age. Figure 2 demonstrates that 13% of those aged 18 to 24 are aware of the LLE. This is concerning, given that around half of these people will be passing through the higher education system now or soon. However, many in this age bracket will already be undertaking a higher education qualification and will be likely to complete it under the previous system. There is a higher level of awareness among 25- to 34-year-olds (26%) and 35- to 44-year-olds (22%). Awareness then drops off steeply from those aged 45 and over.

    Figure 2: Awareness of the LLE by age

    The data could also be analysed by parental status. The definition of ‘parent’ in this survey is anyone with a child under the age of 18. Figure 3 shows that almost a quarter of parents (23%) are aware of the LLE, compared to only 7% of those who are not parents. There is an overlap with the responses by age.

    It is unclear from the data whether parents are more aware of this information because it will affect their children, or whether the ‘parents-of-children’ cohort is at a stage where they themselves are considering upskilling or retraining, or a combination of both.

    Figure 3: Awareness of the LLE by parental status

    There is also nuance in the data in that respondents in London are much more likely to be aware of the LLE; 27% of London-based respondents are aware of the LLE compared with 12% across England as a whole. London regularly seems to exist in its own, very successful, educational ecosystem. So perhaps this is due to higher participation rates in London, or the possible higher rates of job mobility in the capital.

    Can learners find modular provision?

    Alongside the issue of awareness is the related conundrum of how learners will find flexible, modular courses. UCAS have stated that their platform will not be covering the modular course offer ahead of 2027, although they are laying foundations that may allow for this in the future.

    Instead, students will need to search for these courses on an institution-by-institution basis. Institutions that met the criteria for offering modular provision (registered with the OfS, TEF gold or silver or an Ofsted rating of ‘good’ or ‘outstanding’) could submit an expression of interest to the Department for Education, which has been undertaking assurance processes. However, the Department for Education will not be releasing the list of successful providers until the summer of 2026. So, while applications will open in September, but potential learners will really struggle to undertake any research into course choice before this date.

    The LLE launch has been purposefully designed as a ‘soft-launch’, with restrictions on providers and courses offered, and this is arguably a sensible approach. But the additional lack of infrastructure and awareness-raising makes this feel more like a ‘quashed launch’, limiting students’ ability to engage with an educational offer that has such potential.

    What might modular regulation look like?

    It is important to remember the original policy intent of the LLE, which was described in a DfE press release in 2023 as:

    Like a flexi-travel card, it allows people to jump on and off their learning, as opposed to having a ticket with a single destination.

    For providers to embrace the LLE, the regulation of modular provision must be clear. However, the details of modular regulation have not been released by the Office for Students (OfS), who told me:

    We expect to publish further guidance and detailed regulatory information in early 2026, giving providers sufficient time to prepare ahead of implementation in January 2027. 

    Institutions will not proceed with the LLE if this puts their regulated outcome measures at risk. Given that providers needed to submit an expression of interest to the DfE by October last year, publishing guidance well after this deadline does not give providers sufficient time to prepare.

    So, how might modular regulation work, and why might this cause an issue for providers?

    The OfS also explained:

    We anticipate that providers offering LLE-funded modules will be regulated in the same way. We do not expect to introduce a separate regulatory framework specifically for modular provision. 

    This makes sense in terms of the broad conditions of registration for institutions. However, for the specific metrics used for regulation, including the B3 measures such as continuation and completion of a qualification, it is unclear how this could be the case.

    If students are divided into three ‘buckets’, this highlights the challenge:

    • Bucket One: Students who sign up for a full qualification.
    • Bucket Two: Students who want to complete a full qualification, but in a more flexible manner – let’s say a typical undergraduate degree over six years rather than three.
    • Bucket Three: Students who want to take standalone modules. 

    Continuation and completion and progression won’t apply to students in Bucket Three undertaking standalone modules – at least not in the same ways as students in Bucket One. Further, in many cases, students in Bucket Two will be considered ’non-completers’ under the current metrics.

    This poses the question of whether students will have to define which bucket they want to be in when they sign up for their course? However, this would undermine the entire LLE policy – all the students in Bucket One would have zero flexibility – or at least their institution would risk incurring regulatory penalties if it facilitates or encourages this level of flexibility. And it would be unfair, for example, for a Bucket Two student to be able to complete their modules over a longer period, but Bucket One students on the same course could not. 

    However, if students are allowed to move buckets, then the concept of completion for a full degree is null and void. If a student can choose to move from Bucket One to Bucket Two or Three (and this should be a legitimate choice under a well-implemented LLE policy), then the concept of non-completers as a negative outcome no longer exists. A student is simply choosing to finish or pause their education after one module, or when they reach a Level 4 or 5 qualification in their subject. 

    Institutions that are considering offering modular provision are planning to open these modules for application in September, in just eight months’ time. Yet how they will be judged by the regulator for doing so remains unclear.

    Conclusion

    It’s pleasing to see that several institutions are preparing to champion the LLE. This includes the colleges and universities that have taken part in the Modular Acceleration Programme (MAP) offering modular provision of higher technical qualifications and providers like University Centre Peterborough who are actively working towards the launch in 2027.

    However, this feels like a classic case of a high-potential, well-intentioned policy without the thought or investment in on-the-ground implementation. For the LLE to meet its promise, there must be more awareness, greater transparency and increased incentives (such as the MAP trial) for both students and institutions.

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  • Iowa Governor Hopefuls Discuss Education, Health Care at Moms for Liberty Debate – The 74

    Iowa Governor Hopefuls Discuss Education, Health Care at Moms for Liberty Debate – The 74


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    Republican candidates vying for the top spot in state government gave their plans to transform education on all levels for Iowa students during a gubernatorial debate Tuesday evening, claiming leftist indoctrination starts with teacher education before making its way into classrooms and parents need more control.

    Hosted by conservative organization Moms for Liberty and moderated by the organization’s CEO Tina Descovich and WHO NewsRadio Host Simon Conway, the debate also touched on topics like Iowans’ health, the absence of one of the candidates, U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra, and more.

    Candidates agreed that both education and higher education in Iowa need to be reformed, with eastern Iowa farmer and businessman Zach Lahn saying the issue needs to be framed as a “generational fight for the institutions in our society.” He and other candidates pointed at “the left” as targeting education to indoctrinate children, something Lahn said they have been “tremendously successful” at.

    Lahn is running on an “Iowa first” agenda, with a focus on education, border security and supporting farms. The Republican candidate has not held political office but worked previously for a Colorado state senator, Republican campaigns in Iowa and conservative political advocacy group Americans for Prosperity.

    “Public school is to promote civic virtue, to understand the principles of faith in our country and our culture, and that’s what it will be when I am governor,” Lahn said.

    Brad Sherman, a Republican state representative from 2023-2025, businessman and faith leader, said the “concept of God” needs to be put back in schools, and putting the Ten Commandments in classrooms is a good place to start. God gave children to their parents and not the state, Sherman said, and parents should have complete control.

    Sherman states on his campaign website he is committed to “restoring adherence to the Constitution and restoring the foundational principles that made America a great nation and Iowa a great state.”

    Parental rights were a focus for both Moms for Liberty and the candidates, with each candidate offering their support of parents deciding where and what their students learn. Rep. Eddie Andrews, R-Johnston, touted his authorship of parental rights legislation, which includes rights he said everyone agreed on until “three seconds ago.” Parents have the “fundamental right to raise their children in education,” he said.

    Andrews also suggested doing away with the current common core education rules and restoring state-specific education standards, including adding phonics, where the association between spoken and written sounds is taught, to classrooms.

    The five priorities listed on Andrews’s website include eliminating property taxes and combating inflation, parental rights in education, defending landowners and private property, championing mental health and health care freedom and protecting “life, liberty and traditional values.”

    Former Iowa Department of Administrative Services director Adam Steen said during the debate funding of public schools isn’t the problem but ideology is, as well as the “downright evil” requirements being pushed on students.

    “The line” for Steen was when his son’s teacher asked them to purchase a book titled “Jacob’s New Dress,” about a boy who begins to wear a dress to school. Teachers are sometimes forced to incorporate materials like these into classrooms, he said, adding he believes schools should instead teach real-world skills, vocational studies and industrial arts.

    “I believe that this isn’t on the backs of teachers, it’s on the backs of those that are putting these standards upon our teachers and forcing it down our children’s throats,” Steen said.

    Steen described himself at the launch event for his gubernatorial run as “the faith guy,” as well as a “Make America Great Again guy.” The Republican resigned from his position in August in order to enter the race and states on his campaign website he is pro-life, pro-Iowa, pro-property rights and pro-family.

    Branching off from school choice for parents, Steen said schools should have a say in how teachers are trained. Universities should offer degree tracks in “classical education” for students, he said, and universities should not promote diversity, equity and inclusion.

    Sherman suggested that teachers be given some form of test to ensure they can “do the job” while not needing to go through traditional university training.

    Lahn said the value proposition of a college education is “decreasing precipitously,” with schools talking to students about postsecondary options other than attending a university.

    Universities are “digging their own grave” while getting a lot of money from the state, and Lahn proposed overturning the Iowa Board of Regents and pulling funding from universities that refuse to stop teaching “woke indoctrination.” He said he would give the money instead to veteran support programs he pitched during the debate, such as trade schools and farm programs.

    Iowa’s medical needs

    Moderators also asked lawmakers about the medical issues facing Iowans, from cancer rates to vaccine concerns.

    Lahn, Sherman and Andrews all stated the need for additional, independent research on the causes of Iowa’s growing cancer rates in order to understand the problem fully and begin to identify solutions. Andrews mentioned $1 million in state funding provided to the University of Iowa for cancer research but said that didn’t include pediatric cancers, and said one suggestion to address that was to put in another $3 million.

    Lahn laid the blame on agriculture companies who aren’t truthful about what their chemicals are doing to Iowans, and said he wouldn’t allow them to operate in Iowa unless they can show through research that their products are not harmful.

    “It is the generational issue of our time, and we have to confront it head on,” Lahn said.

    Steen refused to lay the blame on farmers, citing radon, plane deicer and golf courses as other areas that could be impacting cancer rates. He said this is a years-long issue to solve, and he wants to bring the experts to the table to solve it, no matter their political affiliation.

    When asked about mRNA vaccines, Lahn, Sherman and Andrews all committed to banning them in the state, pointing back to issues during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Steen, who said his father got diabetes and cancer after receiving the COVID-19 vaccine and later died, said he would consider a ban.

    Feenstra criticized for skipping debate

    Feenstra was invited to the debate but did not join, indicated by the empty podium Moms for Liberty placed on stage. Each of the candidates criticized his absence.

    Billy Fuerst, campaign spokesman for Feenstra, said in an email the candidate flew into and out of  Iowa with President Trump on Air Force One, where they spoke about “how they can work together to take Iowa to new heights and keep Iowa red.”

    “Congressman Feenstra is proud of his track record working with President Trump to pass the largest tax cuts for working families in U.S. history, get Sarah’s Law signed into law, and lower gas prices to their lowest levels in years,” Fuerst said in his email.

    Steen said if Feenstra is the Republican nominee, Iowa would end up with Democrat Rob Sand as a governor and Iowa would be “toast.” Feenstra was in Iowa Tuesday, Andrews said, and the fact that he didn’t show up felt like he was disregarding Iowans.

    “I’m not trying to cuss, but it’s like throwing a middle finger at all of you,” Andrews said. “He doesn’t care.”

    Lahn said he doesn’t believe that Feenstra was too intimidated to come to the debate stage Tuesday — he’s instead following a method that says if you get enough establishment money, you get to skip everything else.

    “Randy Feenstra has a lot of money, he has a lot of people behind him, but in Iowa, it doesn’t take that much money if you’re willing to work hard,” Sherman said.

    Iowa Capital Dispatch is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Iowa Capital Dispatch maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Kathie Obradovich for questions: [email protected].


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  • Child Abuse Deaths Spur Clash Over Homeschool Regulation – The 74

    Child Abuse Deaths Spur Clash Over Homeschool Regulation – The 74


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    When Rachel Marshall was growing up in Virginia, her parents kept a magnet on the refrigerator from a national homeschooling advocacy group, with a phone number to call if local school officials tried to interfere with their decision to educate their children at home.

    “You tell [the organization] the state’s after you, and they will come in with their lawyers and defend your right to homeschool and do what you want with your kids,” said Marshall, now a licensed counselor in Utah. “The state should be hands-off, that was their goal.”

    Marshall wishes the state had been more hands-on. When she was a child, she said, her education and her safety were at the mercy of her parents, who struggled with mental illness and addiction.

    “It was an ugly situation,” Marshall told Stateline. “But I think had there been some sort of regulation, some expectations from the state, I would not have been exposed to that as much.”

    As homeschool enrollment has risen in recent years, so have concerns about oversight.

    Recent high-profile child abuse deaths in several states have led to renewed calls from lawmakers for stronger regulations. They warn that some abusers claim they are homeschooling their kids when they pull them out of school, but really want to hide their crimes from teachers and other so-called mandatory reporters in public schools. Mandatory reporters are legally obligated to speak up about abuse if they suspect it.

    But the push has inflamed a broader debate over parental rights and galvanized hundreds of homeschool groups to rally at statehouses around the country.

    In every state, parents or guardians can withdraw their children from public or private school to be homeschooled. States allow this even if the caregiver has been the subject of a substantiated child welfare investigation, according to the Coalition for Responsible Home Education, an advocacy group. Nearly every state allows parents to withdraw children in the middle of an active investigation, and most states don’t prevent people convicted of crimes against children from homeschooling their kids.

    Lawmakers in states such as Connecticut, Illinois and West Virginia have attempted to pass additional reporting requirements to guard against child abuse in homeschool settings.

    They’re running up against parents’ rights groups and homeschooling advocates who argue that such regulations treat all homeschooling parents as potential criminals and aren’t necessary because many children in such situations are already on the radar of social service agencies. They say the additional requirements don’t address problems inside child protection agencies that allow such abuse to go unaddressed.

    “When bad things happen, people feel compelled to do something, whether it makes a difference or not,” said Connecticut state Rep. Anne Dauphinais, a Republican who opposes homeschool regulation. “It’s often overreach of government, just because [lawmakers] want to feel good about doing something.”

    In West Virginia, Democratic state Del. Shawn Fluharty said in an interview that he’d lost track of how many times he’s tried to get a bill passed that would prevent a parent from pulling a child out of public school to homeschool if social services is investigating the parent for possible child abuse or neglect. According to Stateline’s sister publication, West Virginia Watch, this year will mark the seventh year he’s tried.

    Fluharty calls his bill “Raylee’s Law,” after an 8-year-old girl who died from severe abuse and neglect in 2018. Before her death, her abusers had pulled her out of public school after teachers and school administrators began noticing signs of abuse.

    “At this point, I’m just pissed off,” Fluharty told Stateline. “We’ve had at least two other circumstances very similar to Raylee’s situation since I’ve been pushing this legislation.”

    Fluharty said he’s considering revising the law’s name to also memorialize Kyneddi Miller, a West Virginia 14-year-old who starved to death in 2024. Her mother had pulled her from public school in 2021 to homeschool her.

    The bill passed the House twice in recent years, with bipartisan support, but died in a Senate committee each time. It faces opposition from homeschooling advocates in the legislature, he said, as well as lobbying efforts from national homeschool groups.

    “It’s not a complex situation,” said Fluharty. “It’s a glaring loophole that needs to be closed. The longer it stays open, the more vulnerable children are in West Virginia.”

    Homeschool explosion

    But interest is on the rise. In recent years, the 30 states that publicly report homeschool participation have seen those numbers grow. More than a third of those states recorded their highest homeschool enrollment ever in the 2024-2025 school year, even exceeding pandemic-era peaks, according to a study published in November.

    Homeschooling has increasingly been framed as a political and cultural choice, particularly in conservative circles where it’s promoted as a way to exercise control over children’s education amid anger over how schools address racial equity, gender identity and sexuality, school violence and vaccine requirements. Homeschool supporters praise its flexibility and safety. Others warn that minimal regulation can leave some children isolated from the visibility and protections built into public school systems.

    Before the COVID-19 pandemic, homeschool participation hovered around 2-3% of K-12 students. It exploded during the pandemic to a high of 11% of families, as learning outside of traditional schools became normalized. Now about 6% of school-age children in the United States are homeschooled, according to the most recent data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

    The issue doesn’t always fall neatly along party lines. In Georgia, the 2018 deaths of two siblings prompted a Republican-sponsored bill that prohibits caregivers from withdrawing a child from school for the purpose of evading detection of child abuse and neglect. It became law in 2019.

    In Hawaii, Republican state Sen. Kurt Fevella filed a resolution in 2024 calling for the state to conduct a wellness visit for any child removed from school to be homeschooled. He was motivated by the deaths of two unrelated children in Hawaii who had been taken out of school for homeschooling. It died in committee.

    Last year, Rachel Marshall gave testimony before Utah legislators who were considering a controversial bill that would remove part of a 2023 law requiring parents to attest they’ve never been convicted of child abuse before they’re allowed to homeschool their children.

    Marshall opposed the bill, worried the state was erasing one more safeguard protecting the small subset of homeschooled children who are at risk of abuse or neglect. But as she sat listening to the homeschooling parents speaking in favor of it, their words sounded familiar.

    “I could hear the fear and rage that someone would take away your rights,” she said. “But I think if you are being investigated by [child protective services], you should not be allowed to withdraw your children from daily mandated reporters like schoolteachers.”

    The bill’s chief sponsor, Republican state Rep. Nicholeen Peck, said her goal was to remove a portion of state homeschooling law that was ineffective, had created confusion for school districts, and unfairly stigmatized homeschooling families.

    The Utah legislature passed the bill and it was signed into law last spring.

    Statehouse rallies

    Studies are mixed on whether children who are homeschooled are more likely to be victims of abuse.

    A 2022 survey of homeschooled and conventionally schooled adults found homeschooled children aren’t necessarily more likely to report experiencing abuse or neglect.

    But among abuse victims, isolation from mandated reporters — like school teachers — is a common thread. A 2014 study found that nearly half of child torture victims had been pulled from school to be homeschooled to evade suspicions of abuse. Withdrawal from school to homeschool under suspicious circumstances is a red flag for abuse and is associated with higher risk factors for abuse, according to a report from the Coalition for Responsible Home Education.

    More than 1 in 5 children withdrawn from school for homeschooling in Connecticut lived in families with at least one substantiated report from the state’s child services agency, according to a report released last year from Connecticut’s Office of the Child Advocate. The office based its findings on a sample of more than 700 children aged 7-11 who were withdrawn from school for homeschooling between July 2021 and June 2024.

    For homeschooling families who’ve been providing their children with a high-quality education without oversight, “I can understand why they might feel they don’t need to be regulated,” said Christina Ghio, Connecticut’s child advocate.

    “But as a state, we have an obligation to all children,” she told Stateline. “We know there are children whose parents say they’re homeschooling who are not. The challenge is, there’s one set of rules that has to apply to everybody.”

    Her office’s report recommended state lawmakers create requirements for annual assessments of homeschoolers.

    The report was issued in the wake of a high-profile abuse case: A Connecticut man was rescued in February 2025 after authorities say he’d been held captive and abused for two decades. His stepmother had pulled him from public school in fourth grade after school officials contacted authorities with concerns he was being abused.

    But when lawmakers gathered for hearings on homeschooling regulation last May, after Ghio’s report, more than 2,000 people, most of them homeschool families, flooded the state’s Legislative Office Building to protest, according to the CT Mirror.

    In Illinois, Democratic lawmakers introduced a sweeping homeschool regulation bill last year that, among other things, would have banned those convicted of sexual abuse crimes from homeschooling. It was prompted by an investigation from Capitol News Illinois and ProPublica into the state’s nearly nonexistent homeschool regulation.

    But while the bill cleared its committee, hundreds of homeschool families and supporters packed the Illinois State Capitol to oppose it. It never made it to a full vote in the House.

    Despite pushback, Connecticut House Speaker Matt Ritter, a Democrat, has signaled his interest in revisiting some kind of oversight during this legislative session.

    “I don’t think this is a fight about homeschooling,” he said during a public Q&A earlier this month, citing cases like the highly publicized death of 11-year-old Jacqueline “Mimi” Torres-Garcia.

    In October, the girl’s remains were found on an abandoned property in Connecticut. The family had prior history with the state’s social services, but her mother emailed school officials in July 2024 to tell them she planned to homeschool her daughter. Authorities say that less than two months later, the girl was dead. An autopsy confirmed her death was caused by abuse and starvation.

    Dauphinais, the Connecticut Republican, told Stateline she doesn’t believe any of the proposed homeschool requirements she’s heard from her Democratic colleagues would have saved children like Mimi Torres-Garcia.

    “If you want to abuse your child, you’re going to abuse your child and you are never going to show up for any kind of annual evaluation,” she said. “They will game the system. We’re not talking about the 99.9% of homeschoolers doing it genuinely. We’re talking about people doing evil things.”

    Ritter said families that have been investigated by child protective services or law enforcement need more follow-up. But he was candid about the long road that regulation might face: “That might get really ugly, Republican versus Democrat. I think it depends on how it gets drafted.”

    National advocacy

    In Utah, some of the speakers supporting removing reporting requirements from state law included representatives from the same organization that was on Marshall’s family’s refrigerator magnet: the Home School Legal Defense Association.

    It’s one of the most visible homeschooling organizations in statehouses around the nation, fighting homeschool regulation of all kinds.

    The group argues that the intent behind such regulation is good, but misplaced, and that such regulations unfairly burden homeschooling families without meaningfully overhauling the systems — like social services agencies — that are tasked with protecting kids from abuse.

    Homeschool families struggle with “being treated as though they were being lumped in with felons, being lumped in with kidnappers, being lumped in with people who had harmed their children,” said Peter Kamakawiwoole, an attorney with the Home School Legal Defense Association, during a Utah House committee hearing last January.

    Also tracking such legislation are groups like the Coalition for Responsible Home Education, which was founded by former homeschoolers and advocates for oversight and accountability in homeschooling. The group drafted a model bill it calls the Make Homeschool Safe Act that proposes certain state reporting requirements for homeschooling families. The Home School Legal Defense Association opposes it.

    Fluharty, the West Virginia lawmaker, said that when he’s accused of “going after homeschoolers,” he encourages them to read the bill. He believes the national homeschooling lobbyists are lying to families about what his legislation really does.

    The goal of such regulation isn’t to take away homeschoolers’ rights, said Marshall. It’s not even necessarily for the kids whose cases wind up in front of child protective services. Instead, she said, it’s for the kids that no one can see.

    “These kids are invisible,” she said. “Homeschooling is inherently isolating. Other kids are going to school and have teachers in their lives, a bus driver in their life.”

    But for homeschooled kids, “If you are being abused or your education is being neglected, your parents aren’t telling others that. Nobody knows. It feels like the state doesn’t care.”


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