Tag: Universities

  • The international student levy risks undermining exchange, languages, and outward mobility unless universities speak up now

    The international student levy risks undermining exchange, languages, and outward mobility unless universities speak up now

    The UK government’s proposed international student levy is intended to be a simple mechanism: a flat £925 charge per international student per year, paid by English higher education providers and reinvested into the higher education and skills system. In principle, the policy objective is clear and defensible.

    However, as the technical consultation currently stands, there is a significant unintended consequence that risks undermining international student exchange, outward mobility for UK students, and already fragile subjects such as modern languages. Unless this is addressed now, the levy could inadvertently make reciprocal exchange financially unsustainable for many universities.

    Why exchange students matter and why they are different

    Incoming exchange and study-abroad students are not the same as full-degree international students:

    • they are typically fee-neutral, with tuition waived under reciprocal agreements
    • they are credit-bearing but not registered for a UK award
    • they are essential to maintaining balanced two-way mobility, which in turn enables UK students to study abroad
    • they underpin disciplines such as languages and area studies, where a year or semester abroad is integral to the curriculum

    In many cases, hosting an incoming exchange student already represents a net cost to the institution, absorbed in recognition of the wider academic and strategic benefits.

    Where the levy design creates a problem

    The technical consultation defines international students broadly and excludes only those on a short-term study visa, a route that is used almost exclusively for non-credit English language courses, whereas exchange and study-abroad students enter the UK on either a student visa (for full-year exchange), or a standard visitor visa or ETA (for one-semester study that is still credit-bearing).

    The result is stark: a university could be required to pay £925 to host an incoming exchange student who pays no tuition fees

    As drafted, this means that most incoming exchange students are likely to be counted for levy purposes, despite generating no additional tuition fee income. The result is stark: a university could be required to pay £925 to host an incoming exchange student who pays no tuition fees.

    The knock-on effect on outward mobility and languages

    Exchange is a two-way system. If hosting incoming students becomes a cash cost, universities will face difficult choices:

    • capping or reducing inbound exchange numbers
    • rebalancing or withdrawing from reciprocal partnerships
    • limiting outward mobility opportunities for their own students

    These pressures will be felt first, and hardest, in languages, where outward mobility is central to academic integrity and already under strain across the UK.

    The risk is that a levy designed to support opportunity and access ends up shrinking access to study abroad, particularly for students in less well-resourced disciplines or from less advantaged backgrounds, which would run counter to wider government ambitions around global engagement, skills, and social mobility.

    Almost certainly unintended and eminently fixable

    There is no indication in the consultation documents or impact analysis that these consequences have been explicitly considered. The levy has been modelled as a headcount-based charge, optimised for fee-paying diploma mobility, not for fee-neutral credit mobility.

    The good news is that this is eminently fixable without undermining the core policy objective. Options could include:

    • excluding students registered for credit only and not a UK award
    • excluding reciprocal exchange students where no additional UK tuition fee is charged
    • excluding students studying less than a full academic year, unless enrolled on a full degree

    Any of these would protect exchange and outward mobility while preserving the integrity of the levy.

    A call to action for universities

    The consultation on the international student levy is open until February 18 2026. This is the moment for universities to respond.

    Institutions with: language provision, exchange-reliant programmes, and or strong commitments to outward mobility, should make their voices heard, clearly and constructively, highlighting this risk as an unintended consequence, not an argument against the levy itself.

    If the sector does not raise this now, the danger is that a technically simple policy quietly erodes one of the most valuable, and vulnerable, parts of the UK’s international education ecosystem.

    Respond to the UK government’s proposed international student levy here.

    Vincenzo Raimo will be speaking about the potential impact of the international student levy at The PIE Live Europe in London on March 25. Book your ticket here.

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  • Reclaiming the academic community: why universities need more than metrics

    Reclaiming the academic community: why universities need more than metrics

    by Sigurður Kristinsson

    For decades, talk of “the academic community” has flowed easily through mission statements, strategy documents, and speeches from university leadership. Yet few stop to consider what this community is or why it matters. As universities increasingly orient themselves toward markets, rankings, and performance metrics, the gap between the ideal of academic community and the lived reality of academic work has widened. But this drift is not merely unfortunate; it threatens the very values that justify the existence of universities in the first place.

    This blog explores why academic community is essential to higher education, how contemporary systems undermine it, and what a renewed vision of academic life might require.

    The word “community” can be used in two different senses. One is descriptive: communities are simply networks of people connected by place, shared interests or regular interaction. From this sociological standpoint, academic communities consist of overlapping groups (faculty, students, administrators, service professionals) brought together by institutional roles, disciplinary identities, or digital networks, perhaps experiencing a sense of belonging, solidarity, and shared purpose.

    But in debates about the purpose and future of universities, “community” is often used in a normative sense: an ideal of how academics ought to relate to one another. In Humboldtian (1810) spirit, contemporary advocates like Fitzpatrick (2021, 2024) and Bennett (1998, 2003) envision academic community as a moral and intellectual culture grounded in shared purpose, generosity, intellectual hospitality, mutual respect, and the collective pursuit of knowledge. From this philosophical perspective, community is not just a cluster of networks to be analyzed empirically but a normative vision of how scholarly life becomes meaningful. This aspirational view stands in stark contrast to the conditions shaping many universities today.

    For several decades, developments in universities around the world have been hostile to academic community. While the precise mechanisms vary, academics report strikingly similar pressures: managerial oversight, performance auditing, intensifying competition, and the steady erosion of collegial structures and shared governance. Five threats to academic community are particularly worrisome:

    Organisational (not occupational) professionalism

    In her analysis of how managerial logic has co-opted the language of professionalism to justify top-down control in public institutions, Julia Evetts (2003, 2009, 2011) introduced a distinction between occupational and organisational professionalism. Occupational professionalism in academia implies membership in a self-governing community of experts committed to serving society through knowledge. Today, however, universities increasingly define professionalism in organisational terms: compliance with targets, performance indicators, and standardised procedures. The result is a hybrid system: academics retain some autonomy, but it is overshadowed by bureaucratic accountability structures that fragment communal relationships and discourage collective responsibility (Siekkinen et al, 2020).

    Managerialism

    Managerialism prizes measurable production outputs, standardized procedures, and vertical decision-making. As Metz (2017) argues, these mechanisms degrade communal relationships among academics as well as between them and managers, students, and wider society: decisions are imposed without consultation; bonus systems reward narrow indicators rather than communal priorities; and bureaucratic layers reduce opportunities for collegial dialogue. Managerialism replaces trust with surveillance and collegial judgment with quantification.

    Individualism

    The rise of competition – over publications, grants, rankings, and prestige – has amplified what Bennett (2003) called “insistent individualism.” Colleagues become rivals or useful instruments. Achievements become personal currency. In such settings, it is easy to see oneself not as part of a community pursuing shared goods but as an isolated producer of measurable outputs. This ethos erodes the solidarity and relationality necessary for any robust academic culture.

    Retreat from academic citizenship

    Academic citizenship refers to the contributions – committee work, mentoring, governance, public engagement – that sustain universities beyond research and teaching. Yet because these activities are difficult to measure and often unrewarded, they are increasingly neglected (Macfarlane, 2005; Feldt et al, 2024). This neglect fragments institutions and weakens the norms of shared responsibility that should hold academic life together.

    Troubled collegiality

    Collegiality includes participatory and collective decision-making, a presumption of shared values, absence of hierarchy, supportiveness, a shared commitment to a common good, trust beyond a typical workplace, and professional autonomy. It has long been central to academic identity but has become contested. Some experience collegial labor as invisible and unevenly distributed; others see managerial attempts to measure collegiality as just another way of disciplining staff. Efforts to quantify collegiality may correct some injustices but also risk instrumentalizing it, turning a relational ideal into a bureaucratic category (Craig et al, 2025; Fleming and Harley, 2024; Gavin et al, 2023).

    Across all these pressures, a common thread emerges: the forces shaping contemporary academia weaken the relationships required for intellectual work to flourish.

    If community is eroding, why should we care? The answer lies in the link between community and the values that higher education claims to serve. A helpful framework comes from value theory, which distinguishes between instrumental, constitutive, and intrinsic goods.

    Community as instrumentally valuable

    Academic community helps produce the outcomes universities care about: research breakthroughs, learning, intellectual development, and democratic engagement. Collaboration makes research stronger. Peer support helps people grow. Shared norms encourage integrity, rigor, and creativity. Without community, academic values become harder to realize.

    Community as constitutive of academic values

    In many cases, community is not merely a helpful means but a necessary constituent. Scientific knowledge, as philosophers of science like Merton (1979) and Longino (1990) have long emphasized, is inherently social: it requires communal critique, peer review, and collective norms to distinguish knowledge from error. Learning, too, is fundamentally relational, as Vygotsky (1978) and Dewey (1916) argued. You cannot have science or education without community.

    Community as intrinsically valuable

    Beyond producing useful outcomes, community enriches human life. Belonging, shared purpose, and intellectual companionship are deeply fulfilling. Academic community offers a sense of identity, meaning, and solidarity that transcends individual achievement (Metz, 2017). In this sense, community contributes directly to human flourishing.

    Several examples show how academic values depend on community in practice:

    Debates about educational values

    The pursuit of academic values requires reflection on their meaning. Interpretive arguments about values like autonomy, virtue, or justice in education contribute to conversations that presuppose the collective norms of academic community (Nussbaum, 2010; Ebels-Duggan, 2015). These debates require shared standards of reasoning, openness to critique, and a shared commitment to better understanding.

    Scientific knowledge and academic freedom

    No individual can produce knowledge alone. Scientific communities ensure that discoveries are evaluated, replicated, and integrated into a larger body of understanding. Likewise, academic freedom is not a personal privilege but a communal norm that protects open inquiry (Calhoun, 2009; Frímannsson et al, 2022). It depends on solidarity among scholars.

    Teaching as communal practice

    Education flourishes in relational settings. Classrooms become communities in which teachers and students jointly pursue understanding. Weithman (2015) describes this as “academic friendship” – a form of companionship that expands imagination, fosters intellectual virtues, and shapes future citizens.

    Across these cases, community is not optional; it is essential to academic values.

    Given its importance, how might universities cultivate stronger academic communities?

    Structural reform

    Universities should try to resist the dominance of market logic. Sector-wide policy changes could help rebalance priorities. Hiring, promotion, and reward systems should value teaching, service, mentorship, and public engagement rather than focusing exclusively on quantifiable research metrics. Without structural support, cultural change will be difficult.

    Cultural renewal

    A healthier academic culture requires a different mindset—one that foregrounds generosity, relationality, and shared purpose. In Generous Thinking, Fitzpatrick (2021) argues that building real community requires humility, conversation, listening, and collaboration. Community cannot be mandated; it must be practised.

    This requires academics to challenge competitive individualism, share work equitably, strengthen trust and dialogue, and reimagine collegiality as a lived practice rather than a managerial tool. Most importantly, it requires us to recognize ourselves as fundamentally relational beings whose professional purpose is intertwined with others.

    A moral case for academic community

    Academic community is not only epistemically valuable; it is morally significant. Relational moral theories argue that human flourishing depends on identity and solidarity. We become the moral human beings we are through our communal relationships (Metz, 2021).

    Applying this to academia reveals that collegiality is grounded in shared identity and shared ends. Since the moral obligations created by academic relationships remain professional, collegial community does not require intrusive intimacy. Far from suppressing dissent or professional autonomy, solidarity requires defending academic freedom and academic values generally.

    A relational understanding of morality thus implies that the ideal of academic community promises not only a more fulfilling and coherent sense of occupational purpose, but also a way of relating to others that is more satisfying morally than the current environment individualistic competition.

    Universities today face an existential challenge. In the rush to satisfy markets, rankings, and managerial demands, they risk undermining the very relationships that make academic life meaningful. Academic community is not a nostalgic ideal; it is the cornerstone of learning, knowledge, virtue, and human flourishing.

    If higher education is to reclaim a sense of purpose, it must begin by cultivating the social and moral conditions in which genuine community can grow. This requires structural reforms, cultural renewal, and a shared commitment to relational values. Without such efforts, universities will continue drifting toward fragmentation, losing sight of the goods they exist to protect.

    Rebuilding academic community is not merely desirable. It is necessary – for the integrity of scholarship, for the flourishing of those who work within universities, and for the public good that higher education is meant to serve.

    Sigurður Kristinsson is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Akureyri, Iceland. His research applies moral and political philosophy in various contexts of professional practice, increasingly intersecting with the philosophy of higher education with emphasis on the social and democratic role of universities.

    Author: SRHE News Blog

    An international learned society, concerned with supporting research and researchers into Higher Education

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  • Why universities struggle to act on early warning data

    Why universities struggle to act on early warning data

    Dashboards light up with warning signals weeks into term, yet intervention often comes too late—if at all.

    Despite significant investment in learner analytics and regulatory pressure to meet an 80 per cent continuation threshold for full-time undergraduates, universities consistently struggle to act when their systems flag at-risk students.

    This implementation gap isn’t about technology or data quality. It’s an organisational challenge that exposes fundamental tensions between how universities are structured and what regulatory compliance now demands.

    The Office for Students has made its expectations clear: providers must demonstrate they are delivering positive outcomes, with thresholds of 80 per cent continuation and 75 per cent completion for full-time first degree students. Context can explain but not excuse performance below these levels. Universities are expected to identify struggling students early and intervene effectively.

    Yet most institutions remain organised around systems designed for retrospective quality assurance rather than proactive support, creating a gap between regulatory expectations and institutional capability.

    The organisational challenge of early intervention

    When analytics platforms flag students showing signs of disengagement—missed lectures, incomplete activities, limited platform interaction—institutions face an organisational challenge, not a technical one. The data arrives weeks into term, offering time for meaningful intervention. But this is precisely when universities struggle to act.

    The problem isn’t identifying risk. Modern analytics can detect concerning patterns within the first few weeks of term. The problem is organisational readiness: who has authority to act on probabilistic signals? What level of certainty justifies intervention? Which protocols govern the response? Most institutions lack clear answers, leaving staff paralysed between the imperative to support students and uncertainty about their authority to act.

    This paralysis has consequences. OfS data shows that 7.2 per cent of students are at providers where continuation rates fall below thresholds. While sector-level performance generally exceeds requirements, variation at provider and course level suggests some institutions manage early intervention better than others.

    Where regulatory pressure meets organisational resistance

    The clash between regulatory expectations and institutional reality runs deeper than resource constraints or technological limitations. Universities have developed (sometimes over centuries) around a model of academic authority that concentrates judgement at specific points: module boards, exam committees, graduation ceremonies. This architecture of late certainty served institutions well when their primary function was certifying achievement. But it’s poorly suited to an environment demanding early intervention and proactive support.

    Consider how quality assurance typically operates. Module evaluations happen after teaching concludes. External examiners review work after assessment. Progression boards meet after results are finalised. These retrospective processes align with traditional academic governance but clash with regulatory expectations for timely intervention. The Teaching Excellence Framework and B3 conditions assume institutions can support students before problems become irreversible, yet most university processes are designed to make judgements after outcomes are clear.

    The governance gap in managing uncertainty

    Early intervention operates in the realm of probability, not certainty. A student flagged by analytics might be struggling—or might be finding their feet. Acting means accepting false positives; not acting means accepting false negatives. Most institutions lack governance frameworks for managing this uncertainty.

    The regulatory environment compounds this challenge. When the OfS investigates providers with concerning outcomes, it examines what systems are in place for early identification and intervention. Universities must demonstrate they are using “all available data” to support students. But how can institutions evidence good faith efforts when their governance structures aren’t designed for decisions based on partial information?

    Some institutions have tried to force early intervention through existing structures—requiring personal tutors to act on analytics alerts or making engagement monitoring mandatory. But without addressing underlying governance issues, these initiatives often become compliance exercises rather than genuine support mechanisms. Staff comply with requirements to contact flagged students but lack clear protocols for escalation, resources for support, or authority for substantive intervention.

    Building institutional systems that bridge the gap

    Institutions successfully implementing early intervention share common organisational characteristics. They haven’t eliminated the tension between regulatory requirements and academic culture—they’ve built systems to manage it.

    Often they create explicit governance frameworks for uncertainty. Rather than pretending analytics provides certainty, they acknowledge probability and build appropriate decision-making structures. This might include intervention panels with delegated authority, clear escalation pathways, or risk-based protocols that match response to confidence levels. These frameworks document decision-making, providing audit trails that satisfy regulatory requirements while preserving professional judgement.

    They develop tiered response systems that distribute authority appropriately. Light-touch interventions (automated emails, text check-ins) require minimal authority. Structured support (study skills sessions, peer mentoring) operates through professional services. Academic interventions (module changes, assessment adjustments) involve academic staff. This graduated approach enables rapid response to early signals while reserving substantive decisions for appropriate authorities.

    And they invest in institutional infrastructure beyond technology. This includes training staff to interpret probabilistic data, developing shared vocabularies for discussing risk, and creating feedback loops to refine interventions. Successful institutions treat early intervention as an organisational capability requiring sustained development, not a technical project with an end date.

    The compliance imperative and cultural change

    As the OfS continues its assessment cycles, universities face increasing pressure to demonstrate effective early intervention. This regulatory scrutiny makes organisational readiness a compliance issue. Universities can no longer treat early intervention as optional innovation—it’s becoming core to demonstrating adequate quality assurance. Yet compliance-driven implementation rarely succeeds without cultural change. Institutions that view early intervention solely through a regulatory lens often create bureaucratic processes that satisfy auditors but don’t support students.

    More successful institutions frame early intervention as aligning with academic values: supporting student learning, enabling achievement, and promoting fairness. They engage academic staff not as compliance officers but as educators with enhanced tools for understanding student progress. This cultural work takes time but proves essential for moving beyond surface compliance to genuine organisational change.

    Implications for the sector

    The OfS shows no signs of relaxing numerical thresholds—if anything, regulatory expectations continue to strengthen. Financial pressures make student retention more critical. Public scrutiny of value for money increases pressure for demonstrable support. Universities must develop organisational capabilities for early intervention not as a temporary response to regulatory pressure but as a permanent feature of higher education.

    This requires more than purchasing analytics platforms or appointing retention officers. It demands fundamental questions about institutional organisation: How can governance frameworks accommodate uncertainty while maintaining rigour? How can universities distribute authority for intervention while preserving academic standards? How can institutions build cultures that value prevention as much as certification?

    The gap between early warning signals and institutional action is an organisational challenge requiring structural and cultural change. Universities investing only in analytics without addressing organisational readiness will continue to struggle, regardless of how sophisticated their systems become. These aren’t simple changes, but they’re necessary for institutions serious about supporting student success rather than merely measuring it.

    The question facing universities isn’t whether to act on early warning signals—regulatory pressure makes this increasingly mandatory. The question is whether institutions can develop the organisational capabilities to act effectively, bridging the gap between data and decision, between warning and intervention, between regulatory compliance and educational values.

    Those that cannot may find themselves not just failing their students but failing to meet the minimum expectations of a regulated sector.

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  • The Karateka vs the Sumo Wrestler: what REF 2029 means for research leadership in UK universities

    The Karateka vs the Sumo Wrestler: what REF 2029 means for research leadership in UK universities

    This blog was kindly authored by Dr Antonios Kelarakis, Reader in Polymers and Nanomaterials, University of Lancashire

    UK universities increasingly reward size, visibility and institutional influence. Yet many of the discoveries that underpin scientific progress come from researchers whose work is slow, specialist and largely invisible – the academic karateka, whose precision contrasts sharply with the highly visible, institution-shaping sumo wrestler. With reforms to the Research Excellence Framework (REF) for 2029 confirmed in December 2025, there is now an opportunity to rebalance what we value in research leadership and to better align institutional incentives with how knowledge is actually produced.

    In today’s academic world, two very different research styles are stepping onto the mat.

    The karateka is defined by focus and precision. They dedicate themselves to mastering a single research field, refining a theory, improving a method or laying the foundations for a new diagnostic or experimental technique. Every publication is carefully considered, every contribution is incremental but cumulative. Their ambition is depth rather than scale, and they aim to reach previously inaccessible insights. These researchers often form the invisible engine of scientific progress. Their work may attract little attention beyond specialist communities, yet its influence is long-lasting and foundational.

    The sumo wrestler, by contrast, plays a broader game. Their strength lies in size, coordination and visibility. They lead large research groups, oversee multiple interdisciplinary projects and accumulate titles, affiliations and advisory roles. Their calendars are filled with conferences, policy briefings and media engagement. They shape research agendas as much as individual ideas and act as the public face of modern academia. While the karateka advances knowledge through precision, the sumo wrestler moves institutions through mass and momentum.

    A shifting balance of power

    For much of scientific history, the karateka was the primary driver of discovery. The laws of physics, advances in chemistry and the development of new materials and analytical techniques have typically emerged from decades of focused work by scholars deeply embedded in a single domain.

    In recent years, however, the balance in UK academia has tilted. Universities increasingly reward visibility, scale, collaboration and institutional contribution – metrics that naturally favour the sumo wrestler. Funding requirements emphasise partnerships, pathways to impact and the management of large consortia. Universities respond rationally by supporting researchers who can deliver coordination, profile and strategic alignment.

    The karateka, meanwhile, often struggles to justify slow, methodical work in systems dominated by short-term indicators. Their contributions are essential, but they are not always easily captured by institutional performance metrics or institutional narratives.

    Why REF matters now

    The REF has always been a powerful signal of what universities should value. Decisions taken as part of the REF 2029 reforms strengthen the emphasis on research culture, long-term contribution and the environments that sustain excellence, alongside continued recognition of impact.

    Under the revised framework, assessment is weighted across three elements: Contribution to Knowledge and Understanding (55%), Engagement and Impact (25%) and Strategy, People and Research Environment (20%), assessed at both disciplinary and institutional levels. This represents a clear shift from REF 2021, where the role of environment was more limited.

    This change matters. By strengthening the role of research environment and contribution, REF 2029 creates an opening for universities to recognise how excellence is actually sustained; through deep expertise, stable methods, supportive cultures and long-term institutional investment. Research outputs remain central, but they no longer crowd out other forms of contribution to the same extent.

    Karateka-style scholarship has often struggled to fit neatly into REF narratives. Breakthroughs take time, develop incrementally and may not translate into demonstrable impact within a single cycle. Yet many celebrated impact case studies ultimately rest on foundational research generated by specialist researchers whose work is less visible and harder to narrate.

    From critique to policy

    The reforms give universities greater scope and responsibility to act differently. REF 2029 does not dictate outcomes, but it reshapes the conditions under which institutions define excellence.

    In practical terms, universities can now use the framework to reaffirm the value of:

    • deep, specialist expertise, even when audiences are narrow
    • long-term, foundational inquiry that underpins later impact
    • precision scholarship that strengthens methods and disciplines
    • small, focused teams that are often more intellectually productive than large consortia

    REF 2029 offers a chance to rebalance the contest without lowering the bar for excellence. Protecting space for karateka-style research is not a retreat from impact; it is a precondition for it. When depth is preserved, leadership has something genuinely worth amplifying: impact that endures rather than merely dazzles.

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  • Universities need standards, not role models

    Universities need standards, not role models

    The debate about duty of care in higher education has been obscured by the repeated collapse of distinct legal questions into a single, unresolved argument.

    In particular, discussion of whether a duty of care exists is routinely conflated with questions about what responsibility would require in practice.

    That confusion has prevented sustained analysis of the standards by which conduct should be judged, which is where responsibility acquires real content.

    To address that problem, this article deliberately limits the scope of its analysis. It does not engage with the minimal, background obligation that applies to everyone not to cause foreseeable and substantial harm to others.

    That obligation is universal and requires very little: it is ordinarily satisfied by avoiding obvious risks in everyday activity, and it doerobert as not involve the design of systems, the monitoring of risk, or the anticipation of harm beyond what is immediately apparent.

    Nor does this article seek to resolve the threshold question of whether, and in what precise circumstances, an overarching institutional duty arises in higher education. That question turns on context and relationship and can be answered in different ways as a matter of law.

    This limitation is adopted for a reason. Disputes about the existence or outer boundaries of duty tend to obscure the more significant and unresolved issue of how responsibility should be exercised in practice.

    The analysis proceeds on the assumption that, as in other recognised institutional and professional contexts, a relationship-based duty may arise where organisations undertake defined functions and create foreseeable risks through their systems and decision-making.

    On that assumption, the central question is not whether duty exists, but how it should be discharged. The focus is accordingly on the standards by which responsibility should be assessed in a modern university, rather than on analogies or models of conduct borrowed from different fields.

    Duty establishes responsibility; standards give it content

    In law, a duty and the standard by which conduct is assessed perform different functions. The duty establishes that responsibility arises at all. It is a gateway concept, triggered where there is a sufficient relationship and a risk of foreseeable harm.

    Once a duty exists, it doesn’t prescribe outcomes or require the provision of any particular form of “care” in the everyday sense of that word. Rather, it establishes that those with responsibility must avoid carelessness in their actions or inaction, including in how systems are designed and how decisions are taken where foreseeable harm may arise.

    What counts as reasonable, and therefore what amounts to carelessness, is not determined by the existence of the duty itself, but by what is reasonably required in the circumstances, having regard to the role performed, the functions undertaken, and the context in which decisions are made.

    The practical consequences of this distinction are straightforward but often overlooked. Responsibility does not take a single, uniform form. What it requires depends on the nature of the activity undertaken, the role being performed, and the degree of reliance and risk created in the circumstances. The same underlying obligation not to act carelessly will therefore be expressed very differently in different settings.

    Crucially, it also requires that foreseeable risks are addressed rather than deferred – responsibility is not discharged by ignoring warning signs, postponing decisions, or allowing procedural drift to substitute for timely action where intervention is reasonably required.

    The distinction is often easiest to see through the lens of professional systems. A stranger has no obligation to warn you of an approaching storm. An airline, by contrast, has invited you into its system and possesses the radar to see the danger. It can’t stop the storm, and it’s not your parent – but it does have a responsibility arising from how it manages risk.

    Borrowed standards obscure, rather than clarify, responsibility

    Discussions of responsibility in higher education are frequently derailed by the use of inappropriate comparisons.

    When questions are raised about what universities should reasonably be expected to do, the response is often to reach for an existing and familiar model from elsewhere – parenting, custody, clinical practice, or institutional supervision. These comparisons are then used to argue that universities either cannot, or should not, be held responsible in similar ways.

    This mode of argument rests on a basic mistake. It assumes that responsibility must always be understood by analogy to some other established setting, and that the only question is which existing model should be imported (never mind that none of them quite fit). The result is a debate conducted by comparison rather than analysis, in which standards developed for very different purposes are treated as benchmarks against which responsibility in higher education is judged.

    The problem is not that these other standards exist. It is that they are being used in the wrong way.

    One obligation, assessed differently across contexts

    Across the law, there is not a proliferation of different duties corresponding to different institutions. In each case there is an underlying obligation not to act carelessly where responsibility arises. What varies is how that obligation is assessed in different contexts. The law doesn’t ask whether an institution resembles a parent, a prison, or a hospital. It asks what avoiding careless conduct reasonably requires, given the role performed, the functions undertaken, and the risks created.

    Standards developed in other settings reflect those settings. Parental and apprenticeship standards arose where there was dependency and close supervision. Custodial standards reflect confinement and control. Clinical standards reflect specialist expertise, regulation, and professional judgement. Each provides a way of judging conduct in its own context. None is a universal template, and none can be transplanted wholesale into a different institutional environment without distortion.

    Using these standards as analogies for higher education therefore tells us very little about what universities should reasonably be expected to do. At best, such comparisons show what higher education is not. They don’t tell us what it is.

    In loco parentis explains the past – it does not define the present

    The continued invocation of in loco parentis illustrates this problem clearly. Parents owe a duty to their children, but they are judged according to a parental standard shaped by dependency, authority, and control. In loco parentis did not create a special or additional duty. It applied that parental standard to educational institutions at a time when students were young, dependent, and subject to close supervision.

    The difficulty today is not that universities are being asked to revive this model. It is that in loco parentis is still treated as a reference point, either to be defended or rejected, rather than as a historical example of how responsibility was once assessed in very different circumstances. Once that is recognised, arguments about universities “becoming parents” lose their relevance. The parental standard is neither applicable nor required.

    Control calibrates responsibility – it does not create it

    Control is often introduced at this point as a decisive factor. Universities, it is argued, do not exercise the level of control found in prisons, hospitals, or schools, and therefore should not be subject to responsibility of any comparable kind. This argument again mistakes comparison for analysis.

    Control doesn’t determine whether responsibility arises. It influences what avoiding careless conduct reasonably requires. Where control is extensive, expectations are correspondingly more intrusive. Where control is partial or situational, expectations are more limited. Where control is absent, responsibility may still arise, but its practical demands will be constrained. This is how responsibility already operates across institutional contexts, including prisons, hospitals, and schools.

    Control, in this sense, isn’t all-or-nothing. A university doesn’t control where a student chooses to walk late at night, but it does control the lighting on its own campus paths. Responsibility attaches to what falls within that sphere of influence, and the standard is calibrated accordingly.

    The same reasoning applies to higher education providers. The question is not whether they resemble other institutions, but how responsibility should be assessed having regard to what they actually do, how they are organised, and the risks their systems and decisions create.

    In professional systems, responsibility includes designing processes that can respond when risk escalates beyond routine conditions. Where systems lack clear escalation pathways, or where exceptional circumstances cannot override ordinary procedure, responsibility may fail not through indifference, but through inertia. Standards of care are tested not only by what institutions do in normal conditions, but by whether their systems enable timely and proportionate action when those conditions no longer apply.

    Seen in this light, comparisons with parents, prisons, or hospitals do not advance the debate. They obscure it. Higher education doesn’t need to borrow someone else’s standard in order to avoid responsibility, nor to justify it. What is required is a clear articulation of the standard that fits higher education as it exists now, rather than as it once did or as something else entirely.

    A professional standard in practice

    Modern universities are professional institutions operating through differentiated roles, delegated expertise, and organisational systems. Avoiding carelessness in this context doesn’t require staff to act beyond their competence. Academic staff are not clinicians, and non-academic staff are not responsible for making safeguarding judgements beyond their role.

    Clarity of role is not a threat to academic freedom but a condition of it. By defining where responsibility properly sits, academic staff are protected from being pressed into quasi-clinical or pastoral roles for which they are neither trained nor authorised, allowing them to focus on teaching and scholarship while institutional systems manage risk. Academic freedom is therefore not incompatible with responsibility – it depends on responsibility being allocated clearly and appropriately.

    What avoiding careless conduct does require is that roles are clearly defined, that concerns are recognised and escalated appropriately, and that institutional systems are designed to manage foreseeable risk without leaving responsibility to chance. Harm frequently arises not from dramatic acts, but from omissions – fragmented information, unclear responsibility, or decisions taken without regard to known risk. These are questions of institutional competence rather than individual moral failing.

    The difference between a parental approach and a professional one can be illustrated simply. Under a parental standard, a student’s unexplained absence might prompt direct personal intervention – phone calls, door-knocking, or demands for explanation. Under a tertiary professional standard, responsibility is exercised differently.

    The focus is not on intrusion, but on systems – whether attendance data, engagement with digital resources, or other indicators trigger an appropriate institutional response in line with defined roles and protocols. The question is not why the student has disengaged, but whether the institution’s systems are functioning competently to recognise and respond to foreseeable risk.

    Naming the Tertiary Professional Standard

    The standard by which responsibility in higher education should be assessed can be described as the Tertiary Professional Standard. This term identifies the particular way in which responsibility is judged in the higher education context, reflecting its professional, role-sensitive, and institutional character.

    It is neither parental, custodial, nor clinical. It aligns responsibility with competence and control, reflects the realities of adult education, and recognises that universities act through systems as well as individuals. The Tertiary Professional Standard protects students without infantilising them, and it protects staff by defining the limits of what can reasonably be expected.

    It replaces confusion with clarity. Higher education doesn’t need to revive outdated models or deny responsibility altogether. It needs to articulate, clearly and honestly, the standard by which responsibility is already exercised. That is the conversation now worth having.

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  • WEEKEND READING: What if, in trying to ‘fix’ universities, we are quietly unmaking them?

    WEEKEND READING: What if, in trying to ‘fix’ universities, we are quietly unmaking them?

    Join HEPI and Advance HE for a webinar on Tuesday, 13 January 2026, from 11am to 12pm, exploring what higher education can learn from leadership approaches in other sectors. Key topics will include innovative approaches to recruitment and diversity, and how to ensure future sector stability through effective leadership. Sign up here to hear this and more from our speakers.

    This blog was kindly authored by Dr Monica Franco-Santos, Reader in Organisational Governance and Performance, Cranfield University.

    Across the UK, it is widely recognised that universities are under intense financial pressure. The observable fact is simple enough: there is not enough money coming in to cover the costs of what universities are expected to do. The difficulty begins when leaders, advisers and commentators decide what kind of problem this is.

    How the financial problem is described is not neutral. It reflects and reinforces a particular way of understanding what a university is and how it should function. If the financial situation is framed as a classic demand-and-cost problem (i.e., demand is insufficient, prices are constrained, and unit costs are too high), then the university is, implicitly, being treated as a ‘service provider’ operating in a competitive international education market where students are customers. In that frame, the obvious actions are to emphasise tight cost controls and to strengthen output-focused performance metrics, targets and incentives such as promotions based on publications in highly rated journals, income generation or teaching satisfaction scores.

    If the same financial situation is framed instead as a system-level shock that threatens the conditions under which teaching, research and public service can flourish, then a different picture of the university comes into view: a ‘living knowledge ecosystem’ serving a public mission and facing financial constraints partly beyond its control. Within that frame, the responses appears quite different. Attention turns to protecting core capacities, reducing harm to the most vulnerable parts of the system and working with others to share risks and resources.

    In both cases, the numbers in the spreadsheets are the same. What differs is the story told about the problem, and the underlying image of the university that story presupposes. At present, the former factory-like framing is the most common. With it, the danger is that, under a narrative of financial constraints, universities take actions that emphasise governance practices that reshape behaviour so deeply that, over time, what remains may still be called a ‘university’, but no longer acts like one.

    What makes a university a university?

    Students come to university for far more than a certificate or a set of skills. They expect new knowledge, but also critical thinking, confidence, friendships, networks and the sense that they are part of something bigger than themselves. They hope that a university education will open doors and help them lead more meaningful and fuller lives.

    Academics are drawn to universities not only as workplaces. They want to pursue their passion, make meaningful contributions, explore new ideas, contribute to their disciplines and teach the next generation. Many accept lower pay and higher uncertainty than they might enjoy elsewhere because they believe in the university’s mission.

    Governments and taxpayers fund universities not because they are efficient ‘businesses’, but because they are essential public institutions. They generate research that underpins economic growth and cultural life. They educate professionals on whom society depends. They are meant to be spaces where difficult questions can be asked and discussed. They are fundamental institutions in a democratic society.

    None of this is easily captured by governance practices that focus on performance metrics, targets, incentives or cost controls. These governance practices convey a different message about what is valued and what counts, and over time, these messages have the power to reshape what people do and eventually, what a university is.

    The rise of ‘control-oriented governance practices’ and how they change the rules of the game

    In recent years, universities have increasingly adopted governance practices such as:

    • individual and departmental targets for income, outputs and student metrics;
    • performance indicators used in league tables and regulatory frameworks;
    • workload models that count every task in hours and allocate them through software;
    • performance-related pay and promotion criteria tied closely to measured outputs;
    • cost analysis that evaluates teaching programmes as if they were products or services in their own right.

    These control-oriented governance practices are introduced with good intentions. Leaders demand accountability and transparency. They want to reassure governors and regulators that they are ‘in control’. They want to show staff that decisions are based on objective data. However, these governance practices carry with them implicit assumptions: that performance is controllable, that it can be measured and managed in a hierarchical manner and that those who produce the measurable performance are likely to behave in self-interested, risk-averse, and effort-averse ways. As a result, cost control, monitoring, tight targets, and performance-contingent rewards are seen as necessary to secure results. In our current situation, that means financial results.

    What we tend to forget is that, as this style of governance spreads and becomes institutionalised, it often displaces older, more collegial arrangements in which academics and professional staff had greater discretion, participated in decisions and were trusted to act in line with the institution’s mission. Governance systems can become self-fulfilling. The assumptions on which they are based eventually appear to be true, not because they were accurate to begin with, but because the specific mechanisms introduced steadily guide people to behave as if they were.

    When these governance arrangements take hold, several things tend to happen:

    • academics who value autonomy, curiosity and public service may leave, or never enter, university life as they notice these values are no longer upheld. Others may be made redundant as part of cost-saving measures;
    • those who remain may adapt by focusing on what is measured rather than what matters. They learn to hit targets, manage their ‘scores’, and protect themselves. They eventually behave as the practices assume them to behave;
    • new entrants may be selected partly for their comfort with this environment. The population slowly changes.

    In this way, the market logic remakes the institution in its own image. At that point, the university may perform respectably in league tables and may have returned to healthy financial levels. But something more fundamental has shifted. The pattern of behaviour that governance practices value, reward and punish no longer aligns with the traditional mission of the university as a community of scholars serving the public good. The question then is not just “Are we financially sustainable?” It is “What kind of institution are we sustaining?”

    Questions for leaders and policymakers

    Policy work should offer alternatives, not only criticism. So what might it mean to protect the ’university-ness’ of universities under financial pressure?

    For governing bodies:

    • when you review performance information, ask not only “are we on target?” but also “what behaviours are these indicators encouraging or discouraging?”;
    • consider whether the balance between control and collegial governance is appropriate for different roles, especially for academic work.

    For vice-chancellors and senior teams:

    • before introducing new dashboards, workload systems or performance schemes, ask a simple question: “If this mechanism were the only thing staff knew about what we value, what would they infer?”;
    • involve staff from different groups in the design and review of governance mechanisms, and be open to evidence about unintended consequences, including effects on stress, trust and identity.

    For government and regulators:

    • recognise that the way funding and accountability regimes are structured shapes internal governance. If external frameworks reward narrow indicators, it is unsurprising that institutions pass that logic on to individuals;
    • consider how policy can support forms of governance that sustain academic stewardship, not only short-term performance.

    When do universities stop being universities?

    Universities can and must adapt. They have evolved many times in response to political, economic and technological shifts. No one is arguing for a return to a mythical golden age. However, if we allow a narrow, factory-style logic of control to dominate and we frame all our problems through that lens, we risk changing not only processes and structures, but the very rules of the game. When the values and behaviours that are made salient are those that undermine curiosity, critical thought and public service, the term ‘university’ begins to lose its substance.

    In my view, this is the core issue that staff, students, governors and policymakers should be debating. The question is not only how to keep universities solvent, but how to ensure that, in ten or twenty years’ time, they are still universities. And by that I mean: places where the pursuit of knowledge, the formation of judgement and the service to society remain at the heart of what they do.

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  • 2 flagship universities select leaders after abrupt resignations

    2 flagship universities select leaders after abrupt resignations

    The end of 2025 didn’t just usher in winter break but also major leadership changes.

    Two East Coast flagships, the University of Virginia and the University of Delaware, named new presidents, each of whom took office on Jan. 1. But UVA’s decision to name a president in December defied the wishes of Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger, potentially setting the stage for contentious relations between her and the university’s board.

    At least two religious institutions also announced leadership transitions last month, some making mid-academic year pivots.

    Below, we’re rounding up a selection of last month’s most notable college leadership changes.

    President: Brian Konkol
    Institution: Valparaiso University
    Coming or going? Coming

    Valparaiso University on Dec. 2 selected Brian Konkol as its new president. Konkol joins the Lutheran institution from Syracuse University, where he served as vice president, dean and professor.

    Konkol assumed the role on Jan. 1.

    Like many small religious institutions, Valparaiso’s finances have been shaky in recent years. 

    The university implemented a suite of cuts in 2024, eliminating over two dozen academic programs with low enrollment and nixing an undisclosed number of faculty positions. 

    Valparaiso’s last leader, José Padilla, said at the time that the cuts were “not solely a cost cutting initiative” and were also intended to “meet the expectations of our students and the demands of the market.” Six months later, Padilla announced he would resign when his contract expired on Dec. 31.

    S&P Global Ratings in May gave Valparaiso’s bonds a BB+ rating, which reflects some credit risk. The university’s attempt to sell $54 million in bonds faced delays, according to Bloomberg, but they went through in July.

     

    President: Kathleen Getz
    Institution: Mercyhurst University
    Coming or going? Going

    Mercyhurst University President Kathleen Getz will retire at the end of June, the Catholic institution announced Dec. 2.

    Under Getz, the Pennsylvania university served as a teach-out option for students who attended Notre Dame College of Ohio, a nearby religious institution that shuttered in 2024.

    Mercyhurst also moved up to NCAA’s Division 1. Getz said at the time that the transition would allow the small private college to collaborate and compete with “universities and athletic programs in new and larger markets.”

    The university also made staffing cuts, though they were less dramatic than those at other peer colleges. It cut five administrative and staff positions in June. Getz told the Erie Times-News that the cuts were not indicative of larger financial struggles at the university.

    Mercyhurst’s board selected David Livingston as the institution’s interim president for a term of two years, beginning when Getz steps down. Livingston is a former Mercyhurst faculty member and administrator who more recently led Lourdes and Lewis universities.

    President: Greg Cant
    Institution: Wilkes University
    Coming or going? Going

    Greg Cant will retire as Wilkes University’s president in August, per a Dec. 8 statement from the university.

    The announcement came just days after Cant informed university stakeholders that the private Pennsylvania institution had implemented a plan that had closed a roughly $7 million budget deficit.

    The deficit first became public knowledge when The Citizens’ Voice obtained a copy of an October letter to the campus community detailing the shortfall, which attributed it in part to a “breakdown in process” and “failure in leadership.” The projected gap followed a $2.8 million deficit the previous year that left officials “surprised,” according to The Citizens’ Voice.

    The university faced student protests in the fall demanding more transparency from administrators. Wilkes last month did not publicly share details about how it had addressed the budget gap, but a university spokesperson told The Citizens’ Voice it will “share any additional updates when they are available.”

    Effective immediately, Wilkes’ senior vice president and provost, David Ward, assumed the role of chief operating officer and provost “to support the University in this time of leadership transition,” the university said in its Dec. 8 release.

    President: James Clements
    Institution: Clemson University
    Coming or going? Going

    Clemson University President James Clements announced on Dec. 9 that he would retire at the end of the month, after leading the South Carolina institution for 12 years. The abrupt notice came after Clemson’s board approved a five-year contract extension for Clements in October 2024.

    The public research university has repeatedly been in the public eye over the last year, both for its financial woes and its responses to political pressure. 

    Clemson froze all spending that wasn’t “mission critical,” restricted employee travel and suspended hiring amid reports it needed to cut $63 million from its budget. According to an email shared with The Post and Courier, the university said it was not facing a deficit and no jobs were in danger.

    The university also froze its in-state tuition rate for undergraduates to secure more state funding.

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  • Europe’s universities say €40bn isn’t enough for Erasmus+ ambitions

    Europe’s universities say €40bn isn’t enough for Erasmus+ ambitions

    The European University Association (EUA), along with partners from across the European higher education sector are calling on policy makers to ensure an allocation of at least €60 billion for Erasmus+ in the EU’s next long-term budget.

    Currently, the proposed budget sits at €40.8 billion for the period 2028-2034 but campaigners argue that this amount is not enough to fund “ambitious actions” that have been proposed for the next generation of the program.

    EUA said that Europe now faces a “strategic choice” adding that “underinvestment in education would undermine the EU’s own political objectives”.

    EUA secretary general Amanda Crowfoot commented: “When all factors, including inflation and new priorities, are taken into account, the proposed Erasmus+ budget for 2028-2034 would at best allow the program to continue as it is.

    “However, it would not be able to fund enhanced and additional activities to underpin the Union of Skills and the European Education Area, as proposed by the European Commission.

    “This means that there will not be enough to pay for more inclusive learning mobility nor properly funded alliances, let alone for the new scholarships in strategy priority fields. Education can make an invaluable contribution to the EU’s competitiveness agenda, but this requires concerted investment,” she explained.

    In a joint letter by multiple partners – including the European Association for International Education, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD),  CESAER and many more – together representing thousands of higher education institutions, they make the case that Europe can only achieve its ambitions in education, skills and talent if Erasmus+ is “ambitiously resourced”.

    They note Erasmus+ is one of Europe’s “most tangible success stories” and that such a significant “contribution to citizens’ lives and to Europe’s future needs investment that matches its proven impact”.

    “For nearly 40 years, this popular flagship program has empowered millions of learners, strengthened institutional cooperation, deepened European integration and fostered global outreach,” the joint statement read.

    It went on to argue that in a time of “heightened geopolitical tensions” the program “delivers long-term returns in skills, employability, innovation capacity and civic engagement”.

    Education can make an invaluable contribution to the EU’s competitiveness agenda, but this requires concerted investment

    Amanda Crowfoot, EUA secretary general

    In December 2025, it was announced that the UK will rejoin Erasmus+ for the 2027/28 academic year, six years after leaving the scheme following Brexit.

    As the voice of European universities, EUA worked closely with its UK members to advocate for their return to Erasmus+.

    The agreement will mean UK students will be able to take part in the scheme without paying any extra fees from January 2027 and has been warmly welcomed by the international education sector. UK government modelling predicts that over 100,000 people in the UK could benefit from Erasmus+ within the first year of rejoining the scheme.

    At the time, Josep M. Garrell, president of EUA, said that by restoring bridges between UK and European universities, the decision will “support student and staff mobility, cooperation between universities (including through the European Universities alliances) and joint policy development.”

    The news prompted a wave of nostalgia across the sector as professionals, from the UK and elsewhere in Europe, reflected on the exchanges, encounters and opportunities that shaped their careers.

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  • Disability in universities is both everywhere and nowhere

    Disability in universities is both everywhere and nowhere

    In 2023/24, 18 per cent of students in UK higher education reported having a disability. By 2027, projections suggest this could rise to one in four.

    In some universities in the UK, the proportion is already approaching 40 per cent. These figures might suggest steady progress – more students feeling confident to share their disability, more support in place, and more inclusive campuses.

    However, according to recent research, the picture is more complicated.

    A study published in the British Educational Research Journal by Koutsouris et al. describes disability in UK universities as an “absent presence.” The research draws on interviews with staff from eight institutions across different types of universities.

    While this is a relatively small sample given the size of the UK higher education sector, the authors argue that the patterns identified illustrate wider sector tendencies, even if the exact dynamics vary between institutions.

    In their framing, disability is visible in statistics and policy documents, yet often missing from everyday campus life, leadership agendas, and core decision-making. The authors draw on Sara Ahmed’s concept of the “non-performative”, where institutions make commitments to diversity that look admirable on paper but do not necessarily translate into meaningful action.

    The paradox in practice

    The research is based on interviews with staff leading disability support services, in which they describe a sector in which disability is mentioned but rarely prioritised. In equality, diversity and inclusion discussions, it is often literally an afterthought – “and disability” – tagged on after race or LGBTQ+.

    Some staff in the study described situations where policies were celebrated as inclusive, but the day-to-day practices told a different story. For example, universities might publish ambitious accessibility statements while lecture capture remains inconsistent, or launch inclusive teaching frameworks that rely on individual academic enthusiasm rather than clear expectations or resourcing.

    There are signs of progress – the rates of students sharing a disability are rising, particularly for less visible disabilities – yet support services can be underfunded, placed in “out-of-the-way” locations, or merged into broader wellbeing structures. The authors state that in many cases, mental health initiatives have gained greater profile and investment than disability-specific commitments.

    One student described how their university had been supportive while they received the Disabled Students’ Allowance, but once the funding ended, things changed.

    “I was passed around because no one seemed sure what to do… It felt like I’d gone from being supported to being a problem.

    Their experience highlights how easily responsibility for inclusion can shift when support depends on external funding. Accounts like this appear frequently in sector-wide research.

    Organisations such as Disabled Students UK and several SUs have reported similar patterns, especially where support is fragmented or tied to short-term funding. Students often describe the same shift from clarity to uncertainty once their needs sit outside standard processes.

    Why this matters now

    With the projected increase of disabled students by 2027, the sector faces a test of whether its public commitments will be matched by practical action. Higher numbers mean greater demand for adjustments, accessible learning environments, and staff who understand how to implement them.

    The pressure is already visible across the sector – many support teams report rising caseloads without matching investment, and some hold waiting lists even for routine adjustments. At the same time, changes to disability-related funding and continuing pressure on university budgets risk widening the gap between what universities promise and what they can deliver. Acting now is less about preparing for 2027 and more about meeting the needs of students who are already on campus.

    The risk of continuing with non-performative inclusion – strategies that look good on paper but have limited effect – is the erosion of trust among disabled students and staff. The consequences, as the research notes, can be serious and long-lasting, and unfortunately, in some cases, have devastating consequences.

    If universities fail to act, the effects are already visible – disabled students are less likely to complete their studies, and disabled staff continue to report barriers to progression and belonging. The sector risks normalising a system where inclusion depends on individual goodwill rather than institutional design, undermining both student confidence and staff culture.

    What needs to change

    The study points to several shifts that could help embed disability inclusion within university life:

    • Integrating disability into core institutional strategies, not only wellbeing plans.
    • Co-designing policies and services with disabled students.
    • Ensuring visibility of disabled people in leadership, teaching, and promotional materials.
    • Providing transparent, ring-fenced budgets for disability inclusion, with clear accountability.

    It also calls for a cultural change – disability should not be treated only as a medical issue to “fix”, or hidden within generic “inclusion for all” approaches. While universal design principles are valuable, they need to be complemented by tailored support where needed.

    From rhetoric to reality

    Disability is more visible in higher education now than ever before. The question for the sector is whether to keep it marginal in culture and governance, or treat the rising disclosure rates as an opportunity for genuine transformation.

    The “absent presence” described in the research is not inevitable. It reflects choices, and different choices are possible. Real inclusion will depend on whether universities choose to treat disability not as an afterthought but as a measure of how well they live up to their values. The sector has the knowledge and data – the next step is the will to act.

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  • Universities, climate, and COP30 | Wonkhe

    Universities, climate, and COP30 | Wonkhe

    It was announced in October that Earth has reached its first catastrophic climate tipping point, with warm water coral reefs facing long-term decline.

    The report was produced by the University of Exeter’s Global Systems Institute, a world-leading centre in climate change research, and it carries the stark warning of further impacts – like melting of the polar ice sheets, and dieback of the Amazon rainforest – that “would cascade through the ecological and social systems we depend upon, creating escalating damages.”

    Despite such findings emphasizing the need for more effective and faster progress, the consensus about climate action needed to propel change that existed in 2019 has given way to scepticism and cynicism in some quarters.

    Political parties and influential figures in the UK (and beyond) are turning their attention away from the climate crisis and Net Zero, if they don’t dismiss it outright. The Conservatives have pledged to repeal the Climate Change Act, claiming it has harmed the economy. Reform supports the continuing use of fossil fuels. Donald Trump has recently called climate change a ‘con job’.

    So political support for Net Zero, and by extension the climate emergency, is shaky. As a result, there is a risk to climate action being perceived by the wider public to be unfair, something that forces a negative economic impact on their lives, and that’s out of touch with the concerns and needs of ordinary people.

    A fair COP?

    With these developments forming part of the backdrop of the COP30 global climate summit, that took place in Brazil in November, and mindful of there being a need to transform the narrative on climate action, the President of COP30 (Ambassador André Aranha Corrêa do Lago) made it his mission to turn the story about tipping points from one of doom and danger into one of hope, opportunity, and possibility.

    Although confidently billed in advance as “the implementation COP”, in fact it concluded as anything but. One positive outcome of the event was agreement to establish a just transition mechanism that would enable equitable and inclusive transitions for communities of workers in high-carbon industries shifting to clean energy and a climate-resilient future: though participation in the mechanism is nonetheless voluntary.

    There was a modest step towards the phasing out of fossil fuels amidst accounts of fractious talks and frantic negotiations. Outside, indigenous groups protested, and a thunderstorm caused flooding and brought down trees; the climate crisis visiting the venue, literally. Other commentators speak of underwhelm and disappointment, judging that COP30 did not deliver a turning point, and that not much will change if climate action is left to governments – it being instead down to other organisations and individuals to take collective responsibility.

    What it means for the sector

    Universities, with their core mission of delivering for the public good, have a pivotal role here. A poll published by the University of Cambridge last year demonstrated that nearly two-thirds of adults expect universities to come up with ways of fixing the climate crisis. The need for universities to “[ground] the realities of a sustainable future in the day to day of people’s lives” was advocated by James Coe in Wonkhe three years ago.

    How does what UK universities are doing on climate action now reflect these matters and respond to the attendant challenges?

    Here are some examples that offer reasons to have hope for the future.

    The reassuring starting point is that there continues to be consensus within higher education about the need for climate action. The UK Universities Climate Network includes academic and professional services staff from over 90 institutions advancing climate action and promoting a “zero carbon, resilient future”, and the University Alliance of professional and technical universities aims to find “practical solutions to pressing climate challenges, making a difference for people in their everyday lives”.

    Much of what universities do to exert influence on climate action is through research grounded in science which seeks to inform policy-making by developing human understanding of the consequences of climate change, and how its effects will play out in different geographical contexts. Leading academics in climate change contributed to the National Emergency Briefing in Westminster on 27 November, a gathering of political, media and business figures.

    Meanwhile, research that leads to the design and implementation of scientific solutions provides tangible evidence of public benefit. The Sheffield Institute for Sustainable Food has recently published work on transforming food systems, addressing public health and biodiversity challenges. Its recommendations include incentivising the growing of beans and peas, which are both healthy for people and require less energy, land, and water to grow, have a lower carbon footprint compared with animal products, and are good for the soil.

    A connection is made

    One thing that’s persuasive about this is how it relates climate action to real lives and issues that carry significance for people, like health, food, and – this is the UK after all – the weather. Another fascinating example in this vein is the Weathering Identity: Weather and Memory in England project at the King’s Climate Research Hub. This involved the gathering of oral histories of the weather and how it has shaped individual lives, and considering how more frequent extreme weather events might alter human memory and sense of place.

    A different way in which universities convince with their action on climate change, especially in a world where many are cynical about the established order, is by demonstrating they are not simply acting in a business-as-usual way and ‘admiring the problems’ caused by current policy. One example of critical thinking with reflection on radical policy change is James Dyke’s System Update film, which challenges the “incremental and timid policies of today” in search of a better world, putting the spotlight on the role that continuous economic and material growth has in causing ecological degradation. The film also suggests that citizens’ assemblies of people who are invested in meeting climate change challenges in the longer term could play a larger role in determining policy. In recent years several UK universities have convened their own climate assemblies mobilising students and staff.

    Living through change

    Building on that idea of public empowerment, there is a strand of university research focusing on the abilities and education needed to help people live through and address the challenges of climate change. Researchers at University College London have suggested ways of embedding climate education into the secondary curriculum, promoting emotional engagement with the climate crisis as a means of helping young people avoid negative feelings, and motivating them to take action.

    Environmental and social justice go hand in hand and feature prominently in university climate action. The Priestley Centre for Climate Futures in Leeds has a study looking at how the climate crisis, decarbonisation, and net zero will impact the world of work, with the guiding principle that climate transformation measures should be just and fair for workers.

    And across the Pennines, the JUST centre based at the University of Manchester but involving researchers from a group of northern institutions focuses on the pursuit of sustainability transformations that are people-centred, joined-up and socially just for citizens in regions that benefit the least from dominant economic and political systems.

    The field of arts and cultures has always played a part in inspiring reflection – which is itself a form of action – sparking emotions, and firing the imagination of its audience, with the potential to ultimately lead that audience to doing something transformative. VOTUM at Hadrian’s Wall is an art project supported by Newcastle University, part of a programme where artists are invited to undertake research inspired by Roman archaeology and climate research. Interlocking mirrored shields arranged in the shapes of artefacts found at the Wall reflect the sky and show the viewer themselves in the landscape, holding a mirror up to people and challenging them to think about their impact on the environment.

    What the examples above show is that, through work responding to climate change, universities are collectively addressing some of the concerns that are important to everyone whatever their background: healthy living, sustainable places and communities, and empowering people to maximise their potential.

    They are aligned with the narrative of the future that the COP30 President said should be “not imposed by catastrophe, but designed through cooperation”. Universities are committed to urgent climate action, but the story these examples offer is not gloomy, alienating, or dispiriting; it is engaging, inclusive and hopeful.

    It has the power to counteract climate denialism and allay doubts over net zero; it speaks of collective responsibility and points towards the possibility of a world that is fairer and greener.

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